A number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in northwestern Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Arabic personal names in early medieval Christian communities, often fossilised as place–names; the extraordinarily profuse Romance toponym Quintana; and a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Amazigh (i.e. Berber) demonyms. In this paper we argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena can all be explained if it is accepted that following the Islamic invasion of Iberia in 711, the Amazigh settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophone. The internal history of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca, a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered significantly. In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encountered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance– speaking region by Romance–speaking incomers bearing Arabic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to interact with the autochthonous population in the lan-guage they all shared.
While it has long been noted that Chinese Buddhist translations contain many new lexical and syntactic elements that were created due to the contact between Indic and Chinese languages during the translation process, few attempts have been made to systematically explore the major mechanisms of such contact-induced creations. This paper examines six mechanisms of contact-induced lexical creations and three mechanisms of contact-induced syntactic creations in Chinese Buddhist translations. All of these mechanisms have parallels in non-Sinitic language contacts. The parallels demonstrate that Chinese Buddhist translations and non-Sinitic language contacts show striking similarities in the ways in which they brought about new lexical and syntactic elements.
In the present study, the principles of nomination of sacrum are analysed on the basis of linguistic and cultural data. The os sacrum has been considered sacred as a nidus for resurrection since antiquity. Its names are motivated by the meaning ‘cross’ in Slavic, Germanic, and Hungarian. In Slavic texts, this image appeared in the 16th century. This late use allows us to see it as a semantic calque of German Kreuz but the first known occurrence in German was attested in the 17th century.
The aim of the present paper is to analyze how pseudo-English loanwords are registered in modern lexicography. This is a rather new and quickly developing research field in European linguistics, however, in Russia, it has received hardly any attention so far. These lexical items are usually treated as real English borrowings in Russian dictionaries, despite the fact that they are not used in the source language in the form they are presented by lexicographers. It is also pointed out in the paper that some pseudo-Anglicisms have been transferred into Russian through one of the main intermediary languages of Europe (French or German).
The use of lexical elements (words, expressions, and idioms) of a foreign language in everyday informal communication is a frequent but still little-studied phenomenon in modern linguistics. The present paper is devoted to the question of “lexical transplantation” of various verbal elements (including those of intertextual character) from Russian to Ukrainian as a typical phenomenon in modern communication of native speakers of the Ukrainian language. On the basis of numerous examples and contexts from colloquial speech, the authors present the linguistic nature of such units, their pragmatic functions in the text (both oral and written) as well as their classification.
The aim of the paper is to describe the language situation and the main features of the Aromanian dialect in the Prespa region. The ethnolinguistic group of Aromanians is represented in this region only by one family. Nowadays, this linguistic situation is an example of language death, as the younger generation no longer speaks the Aromanian language whereas the senior generation uses it in limited contexts. The Aromanian speech abounds with multiple examples of interference of Macedonian, which is the dominant language in relation to Aromanian in this situation. The Aromanian language is still used on a daily basis; however, it is spoken only by the senior members of the language community. We suppose that in this situation, there is little chance for the Aromanian language to experience its renaissance in Prespa.
The present paper is a narrower cross-section of the very rich contribution to Croatistics by the Hungarian linguist László Hadrovics (1910–1996). It presents the findings of his research entailing the contact between the Hungarian and the Croatian languages, the Croatian literary language in Burgenland (former Western Hungary) as well as his findings in etymological studies. Hadrovics was a prominent, internationally acknowledged linguist of his time. His great achievements are marked by the richness in data and by the numerous novel methodological approaches applied in his monograph on the words of Hungarian origin in the Serbo-Croatian language. His book served as a pattern to a great number of successive publications. His work on the Croatian literary language in Burgenland, among others, publishes its first dictionary of this kind. As far as his etymological studies are concerned, the renewal of his research methods is of prominent interest. Hadrovics broke up with the practice of earlier etymological research which was based on using dictionary entries. The author went back to the sources themselves, which yielded much more reliable results. With his new approach, he gained outstanding results, even on an international level.