The article describes the impact of the 2008 global economic crisis on constitutional developments in the Czech Republic. The author does not focus only on monitoring the temporal coincidence of the submitted draft constitutional acts with the events known as the financial crisis, but also their direct substantive links with them. A temporal link is an insufficient criterion. The capital question is, if a causal link based upon a material aspect exists with regard to each specific example. From this viewpoint, the author suggests dividing proposals for constitutional changes in the Czech Republic into four categories described further in the article. The article tries to explain the Czech constitutional context and the very pro-active approach on the part of politicians to the text of the Constitution and proposals for its amendments, which are however seldom signed into law. The author reaches a general conclusion that the financial crisis itself did not lead to constitutional developments in the Czech Republic. On the other hand, the Czech Republic is undergoing a process (independent of the financial crisis) of the erosion of the political system and the system of political parties associated with a certain amount of public distrust in the traditional system of constitutional and political representations, with the emergence of requirements calling for the strengthening of elements of direct democracy and with the rise of new entities, often selfproclaiming them as being definitely not political parties, but non-political civic movements.
among European states, representations of European integration, and the quality of democracy European societies are engaged to.
Research data on which this article is based partly arise from the project
Authors:Iryna Izarova, Bartosz Szolc-Nartowski, and Anastasiia Kovtun
confidential, while the amicus brief was open. Another difference is that amici curiae do not file their representations at the discovery stage but present their briefs or make arguments orally before the court in session.
The authors only
Gysies, or Roma, are simultaneously among history's most romanticized and relived of peoples. Stereotypically racialized and eroticized as „other” wherever they are located, prejudice and discrimination against Roma are currently heightened. This paperseeks to illustrade processes of identification by which Roma in post-socialist countries are classified as „other”, as „different”. Drawing on interview and observational data from the commjunity studies of the project on „Poverty, Ethnicity, and Gender in Transitional Societies”, this paper explores various discursive ways in which Roma are stereotypically „othered” by non-oma populations as well as ways in which Roma understand themselves in relation to these historically persistent if situationally variable representations of their putative „identities”. As is discussed, „Roma” as a category has been expanded in certain contexts to essentialize a purported relationship between „race” and poverty.
The idiom of the scales of justiceis commonly known and widely used. Iustitia can frequently be seen in different representations holding scales in her hand. The scales as a means or a symbol of justice (justness) or the administration of justice can be encountered in various places in Greek literature, one of its earliest instances being the Homeric Hermes' Hymn (Dikés talanta). According to these loci Zeus holds the scales of Diké, that is to say, the scales of justice in his hand. In the Iliad (23, 109-213) one may come across a scene presented in context, thus suitable for being more amply analysed, in which Zeus is pronouncing justice over the heroes using a pair of scales. In search of the meaning of Dikés talanta, this study tries to clarify the concept of law and justice (justness) in Homeric epic (I.), then by a structural (II.) and comparative analysis (III.) of certain lines of the weighing scene, decisive in the combat of Achilles and Hector, it formulates a few remarks on the origin and meaning of the concept of the scales of justice. One cannot claim that this idea of Egyptian religion had been transferred in its entirety into Greek thinking, but it is not surprising, as one can barely encounter an unaltered Egyptian borrowing in Greek mythological thinking. Nonetheless, some Egyptian influence, possibly with Cretan transmission, can be detected in the development of the Greek versions of psykhostasia and kerostasia. Pictorial as well as textual manifestations of such influence can be found on the one hand in vase-paintings, and on the other hand-undergoing a specific alteration of aspect in the form of kerostasia-in Homer, who paved the way for the scales of justice of Zeus and Iuppiter to become the symbol of Diké and Iustitia, and subsequently of the administration of justice itself.
After the battle of Thapsus that took place on 6 April 46 Caesar kept delaying his return to Rome for a long while, until 25 July — he stopped to stay on Sardinia — and this cannot be attributed fully to implementing measures and actions necessary in Africa since they could have been carried out by his new proconsul, C. Sallustius Crispus too. The triumph held owing to the victory in Africa — in which they carried around representations of the death of M. Petreius, M. Porcius Cato and Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio Nasica — must have further grated on the nerves of the aristocracy of Rome, because it was meant to symbolise Caesar’s victory both over Iuba and the senate. It was after that that Cicero broke his silence and delivered Pro Marcello in the senate, which was both oratio suasoria and gratiarum actio for the pardon granted to Marcellus, by which Caesar wanted to assure the senate of his benevolence and wanted to show off his power by his autocratic gesture. Pro Ligario delivered in 46 has been considered a classical example of deprecatio by both the antique and modern literature, and in historical terms it is not a less noteworthy work since from the period following the civil war Pro Marcello, having been delivered in early autumn of 46 in the senate, is Cicero’s first oration made on the Forum, that is, before the general public, in which praising Caesar’s clementia he seemingly legitimised dictatorship. First, we describe the historical background of the oratio and the process of the proceedings (I.); then, we examine the issue if the proceedings against Ligarius can be considered a real criminal trial. (II.) After the analysis of the genre of the speech, deprecatio (III.) we analyse the appearance of Caesar’s clementia in Pro Ligario. (IV.) Finally, we focus on the means of style of irony, and highlight an interesting element of the Caesar-Cicero relation and how the orator voices his conviction that he considers the dictator’s power and clementia illegitimate. (V.)
Rijks, D. and Whitman, R. (2007): European Diplomatic Representations in Third Countries: Trends and Options. In Avery, G. ed.:
The EU Foreign Service: how to build a more effective common policy
. European Policy Centre Working Paper No.28 Brussels