Politics and literature traditionally developed in a close contact with each other in Hungary. This paper argues that this intimacy had a particular reason: the fact that Latin educational ideals determined the way youth were brought up well into the 20th century. This had an impact on the way politics was understood here, including the fact that parliamentary debates were carried out in Latin well into the early 19th century.And this had a further consequence as well: literature was not viewed simply as an autonomous field of activity, aiming only at aesthetic merits, but as a way to reflect on the fate of the nation. Lawyers had a professional training in rhetoric and therefore they had a familiarity with classical literature, which led many of them towards their own creative writing. And professional writers, too, had no other education than that of the Latin Christian-Humanist model, which made them representatives of the nation, as well as followers of earlier, classical patterns of writing. These features played a major role in the formation of the two heroes of the paper, the poets Dániel Berzsenyi and Ferenc Kölcsey, who had an internal conflict between each other, but who both embodied the type of late humanist political writers, so characteristic of the reform era of this region of Central Europe.
translates to economic nationalism in immigration policy. Such policies are fueled by popular anti-immigration rhetoric and panics around high levels of inward migration, seen for example in the continuing popular anti-migration feeling in Europe, despite a
[Letöltve: 2018. 10. 31.]
Rosen, L. (2009) Rhetoric and Symbolic Action in the Policy Process.
In: G. Sykes, B. Schneider & D. N. Plank (eds) Handbook of
The Hungarian and Polish observations show how the use of the public law is limited in illiberal constitutional states. This paper claims that certain non-legal reasons for effective successful transformation to an illiberal state, such as the emergence of populist rhetoric and morality; the clear lack of political self-restraint and the inability or unwillingness of the people to form a strong and capable civil society or to raise their voice against extreme views or resist an aggressive and clearly unfounded political campaign, have been pre-determined and influenced by the historical and socio-psychological particularities of the nations in question. If this is indeed the case, this may offer another, though obviously non-conclusive, explanation as to why public law measures and mechanisms have failed to preserve liberal democracy.
The paper concludes that overturning illiberal constitutionalism by either political or constitutional and legal means, at the present time, seems doubtful, if not impossible. The historically and psychologically determined national and constitutional identities of Hungary and Poland are not apt to nurture liberal constitutionalism in the long term.
one of the extreme voices in Europe with an anti-immigration and populist rhetoric ( Wodak, 2015 ), emphasizing national cultural purity, challenging the basic principles of acquis communautaire and freedom of movement among European citizens, thus
Authors:András László Pap and Anna Śledzińska-Simon
, and legal project of discrimination, exclusion, deportation, and annihilation of Jews. Similarly, contemporary nationalism is equally hollow.
In Hungary, the discourse of restoring pre-WW1 borders remains at the level of symbolic rhetoric and
have stirred up anti-immigration rhetoric and populist discourses of criminalization of asylum seekers. In the turn of the 21st century, border controls have been tightened, while welfare provision for asylum seekers has been drastically restricted, a