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Contrarily to most traditional accounts on the foundation of the Republic, Dionysius describes the passage from the Tarquins’ monarchy to the Republic as a lawful constitutional reform, in which L. Junius Brutus played a pivotal role. In my paper I analyze the speech that Brutus delivers to the Roman patricians to endorse the establishment of a new government in Rome. The new constitution, although remaining essentially monarchical, will keep its autocratic nature concealed from the people. Throughout this paper, I show how Dionysius in his presentation of Brutus picked up elements both related to the senatorial propaganda against M. Junius Brutus — Caesar’s murderer, who claimed descent from L. Brutus and the tyrannicide Ahala — and, at the same time, the character of Augustus’s newly-founded government. This account may thus be regarded as Dionysius’ own elaboration of Augustus’s constitutional reform.

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By presenting the hero Theseus and his mythic Athens Euripides created a model of heroism in “Supplices”. Theseus' polis has some prominent features which are strongly suggestive of the real 5th century polis democracy. There is no doubt that the poet tends to show Athens in a favourable light, but there are considerably critical issues, too. “Supplices” covers a broad spectrum of success and failure, exceeding politics and visions of a peaceful solution which, however, have no chance. The tragic consequences have to be borne by the suppliant Argive mothers who have lost their sons at war.

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In “Heraclidae” mythical Athens has to face a serious challenge when Heracles' persecuted children seek help. Producing conditionswhich remarkably resemblecontemporary Athens Euripides succeeds in presenting characteristic elements of the 5th century polis democracy. There is light and shade in a tragicplot where we see humanity confronted with hard consequences. The play, presumably performed in the beginnings of the Peloponnesian War, realizes considerable achievements of a free polis without overlooking questionable actions.

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Summary

In or. 25 Demosthenes compares Aristogeiton to a watchdog who, instead of defending the sheeps, attacks and tears them to pieces. This picture seems not to be common in Attic rhetoric, but is occurs in Plat. Rep. 416a, where Socrates warns about the danger that the most popular orators, in betrayal of their former task, assault the demos and eventually become tyrants. This platonic passage confers a new meaning to the Demosthenic statement and suggests the possibility that Aristogeiton aimed at tyranny. Hence the nomos, which only can control physis, protects society from the worst human vices (poneria, hybris and anaideia), and represents the most effective defence of democracy.

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The present paper examines the crucial passages in Lucanus, Valerius Flaccus, Statius and Sily concerning suicide. Lucanus presents a fanatical eulogy of suicide, Valerius Flaccus a rather calculated approach which is guided by almost philosophical considerations resembling those given by the philosopher Seneca, Statius focuses on the problem of self determination and tyranny. Sily’s account of the Saguntine suicide combines and modifies different elements of the literary tradition, which sometimes makes it difficult to ascertain the value judgement his narrative is meant to convey to his readers.

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Pindar composed splendid victory odes for Sicilian tyrants, but his statement “I disapprove of the fate of tyrannies” tells us nothing about his attitude towards Hieron or Theron. In its context in the 11th Pythian, it is a comment on the fate of Agamemnon, Klytaimestra and Aigisthos. The poet supplied what his clients commissioned and paid for - it was essentially a business relationship. Pindar’s praise for Hieron und Theron is measured, not flattery; they were not power-greedy despots like Hieron II, Dionysios or Agathokles, let alone the dictators of the 20th and 21st centuries.

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if you don't travel – globally and constantly. … Very few writers can afford to do this. Curators with generous travel budgets (for ‘research’) can. I think that's what's really behind the phrase ‘tyranny of the curator,’ for me at least: the

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at once a part and practitioner of the tyranny, the whole Zauberlehrling-like , unstoppable inhuman automatization – from the inside, from within the inner recesses of the engine. 11 Though the initial letter is undated, it is likely that Ligeti

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My intention is to reexamine some of the documents of the Hungarian revolution that contain statements by Hungarian writers. On October 26 a two-page pamphlet appeared. Its title - 'Immovably' - referred to Vörösmarty's 'Appeal'. The poems by István Sinka and Ferenc Jankovich, as well as the short essay by the Transylvanian-born author Áron Tamási represented the values of the 'Populist' movement of the interwar period. The texts of the November issue of 'Literary Newsletter' were by a wider range of writers. While most of the poems had been composed in the early 1950s, including 'One Sentence on Tyranny' by Gyula Illyés and 'The Dictator' by Lajos Kassák, the essays by Tibor Déry, László Németh, and Lőrinc Szabó were inspired by the uprising. The third document I wish to examine is the collective statement issued by the Writers' Association on December 28th. Since my paper will focus not on aesthetic values but on political views, I will not exclude texts by mediocre writers. The question I wish to ask is whether any difference can be seen between the positions taken by former communists and those who expressed anti-communist views before 1945.

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