The article aims to assess the effectiveness of the non-proliferation regime established more than 40 years ago with the adoption of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Since that time the international community had achieved considerable success in the prevention of nuclear weapons’ proliferation. Nevertheless, while noting the results of the NPT and the verification system established under that instrument, one cannot remain silent about the shortcomings of the system and the non-compliance with some of its provisions. By its structure and provisions the NPT has divided States into two groups, distinguishing those possessing and those not possessing nuclear weapons. In effect, the rights and obligations of the Contracting Parties to the NPT are tailored to the group to which they belong, and the gravest violation of the NPT is that when States seek to change their status as defined in the NPT, notably by trying to munfacture or control of nuclear weapons. Under the NPT, research in, production and application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes are inalienable rights, but their exercise should be in keeping with the basic obligation of nonnuclear-weapon States under the Treaty not to acquire in any form nuclear weapons and not to carry out unauthorized nuclear activities under the guise of their peaceful nuclear programs. While emphasizing the need to strengthen the non-proliferation regime, the article describes in nutshell the nuclear program of two States (the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) which gave cause for serious international concern.
, the situation of Roma women is less marked. Forray and Óhidy (2019) point out that the traditional role of women is safeguarded by the majority of families. It is only through dedication and effort that women reach higher school levels. On the other
we [the ADs] are really attentive to is that the process [of reformulating the issue at hand] safeguard their ownership of the formulation of the issue. […] You have to help them “place the right order”, but it has to be their order, that's absolutely
wonders about the broadness of an empty road, the international or regional community, domestic government, or judiciary clarify the limits. Accordingly, the same crash barriers should be safeguarding the personal space of an individual. To what extent are
Dual-use items, including software and technology, can be used for both civil and military purposes. Export control of such items is an important constituent part of security policies of exporter states. These measures are aimed at avoiding proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.1 The nature of dual-use goods intrigues imposition of control over exporting them to unfriendly countries or those ‘sensitive’ in terms of their ambiguous considerations of foreign policies.2 Some category of goods may be banned for export, whilst others are legitimate products that further technological development and strengthen international economic ties. The aim of the exporter states is to seek balance between safeguarding security objectives whilst not undermining competitiveness of local businesses. The paper explores the EU framework for regulating exports of dual-use goods as well as the EU participation in the international export controls regimes.
The paper discusses the issue whether art and works of art created by artists can be assessed using legal means. The paper provides an overview of the different Hungarian constitutional provisions governing artistic freedom from 1949 to the present, and examines the possible components of freedom of arts as a fundamental right, within the confines of the Hungarian legal system. According to the author, the subjective side of the artistic freedom integrates into the fundamental right of freedom of expression, ie artistic expression is free, but it does not require a separate, specific protection under constitutional law. However, the specificities of artistic expression as factors influencing the scope of the freedom of expression might be taken into account, e.g. symbolic speech, the specificities of a genre or the time elapsed since publication). Hence, works of art and literary pieces are to be treated as specific, unique forms of opinions – they are presented as a form of freedom of expression but this does not go beyond the boundaries of freedom of expression as a fundamental right. At the same time, the regulation of art, irrespective of this, might be justified even in the Fundamental Law. Setting requirements for the state (the objective obligation of the state to safeguard the institutions of fundamental law) is a precondition for the birth and preservation of works of art, which constitutes the objective side of artistic freedom without any specific subject and denotes its specific constitutional content But, an appropriate level of protection for freedom of expression ensures that this recognition should not have any detrimental consequences for freedom of arts.
Authors:Miklós Könczöl, Viktor Olivér Lőrincz, and Gábor Kecskés
there is a number of international and domestic constitutional safeguards, making use of these – often against a similar multitude of control and surveillance mechanisms originally meant to provide protection against other, more readily perceptible