translating socially marked speech from French into Hungarian are analyzed. The
corpus is based on a French crime fiction by Fred Vargas, translated into
Hungarian by myself. Firstly, I deal with the strategies and techniques of
social marking in the French version. Then, I turn to the Hungarian translation
and see whether the socially marked character of the original text could be
rendered and, if yes, what kind of markers were used. Differences seem to arise
from the fact that popular French, as a register, does not have a perfect
equivalent in Hungarian. This ``deficiency'' becomes most striking in the
domain of syntax. While the French author uses mainly syntactic devices to mark
popular speech, the translation must rely on phonetic and lexical markers,
given that syntactic differences between standard Hungarian and its
non-standard varieties are almost null. Also, while markers are clearly popular
throughout the French version, the Hungarian translation renders either a
dialectically marked speech, for non-Parisian popular French speakers, or a
kind of urban slang, for Parisian popular French speakers.
Cet article propose une réflexion sur une récente traduction en hongrois du Pantagruel de Rabelais (Budapest, Osiris, 2010). Il dresse d’abord un historique des traductions ou réécritures existant à ce jour en hongrois des œuvres de l’écrivain français puis explique la raison d’être de la nouvelle traduction dont la méthode a été l’attention à la précision philologique et à la transcription authentique des archaïsmes grammaticaux et lexicaux. L’article traite également des difficultés de traduire les multiples formes de l’humour rabelaisien telles les contrepèteries, les noms parlants et autres jeux de mot.
This paper compares the romanization of Gaul in the 1st century BC and the gallicization of the island of Martinique during 17th-century French colonial expansion, using criteria set out by Muf- wene's Founder Principle. The Founder Principle determines key ecological factors in the formation of creole vernaculars, such as the founding populations and their proportion to the whole, language varieties spoken, and the nature and evolution of the interactions of the founding populations (also referred to as “colonization styles”). Based on the comparison, it will be claimed that new languages arise when a language undergoes vehicularization and subsequently shifts from one speech community to another. In other words, linguistic genesis would be a complicated case of language contact, where not only one, but sev- eral dialects of both superstrate and substrate varieties are involved, in a historical context where the identity function of language, or the norm, is overriden by the need to communicate. Research also indicates that language varieties spoken at the time of the shift did not pertain to normative usage, but to popular varieties, dialects, or both, since the emerging vernaculars - in Gaul, as well as in Martinique - preserved some of their phonological and lexical particularities.