Search Results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 10 items for

  • Author or Editor: András Cser x
Clear All Modify Search

This paper examines the phonological entities called labiovelar stops in Classical Latin. The status of these entities involves the question whether they are segments (i.e., labiovelar stops) or clusters (i.e., sequences of a stop and a glide). The arguments for either position are discussed in detail and the literature is critically reviewed. The types of evidence that are taken into account are facts of frequency, phonetics, phonotactics, alternations and a specific assimilation process, and certain diachronic points are also considered. The conclusion is that the balance tilts slightly, but not definitively, towards the cluster interpretation.

Restricted access

Jakab Máté: A 19. századi nyelvtudomány rövid története [A short history of linguistics in the 19th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 1997, 216 pp.; Jakab Máté: A 20. századi nyelvtudomány történetének főbb elméletei és irányzatai [The main theories and trends of the history of linguistics in the 20th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 1998, 359 pp.; Jakab Máté: A nyelvtudomány (vázlatos) története az ókortól a 19. század elejéig [An outline of the history of linguistics from antiquity to the beginning of the 19th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 2003, 357 pp.

Restricted access
Restricted access

The morphological analysis of Hungarian in the early period of grammatical work was based on three interlaced traditions: Classical Graeco-Roman, Hebrew and German. These were applied to languages that were structurally very much unlike Hungarian. The evolution of morphological analysis was therefore a relatively slow and complicated process, whose milestones discussed in this paper, the four earliest grammars of Hungarian, all represent different stages of development. The grammar by Pál Pereszlényi, which is analysed in some detail here, surpasses the earlier grammars in its acumen on at least three counts: the same set of analytical terms is applied in the description of nominal and verbal morphology; the notions of bound stem and relative stem are clearly recognised; a distinction is made between stems as morphological constituents and word forms serving as starting points of paradigms.

Restricted access

The purpose of this paper is to present a recently published medieval Latin grammatical text, whose manuscript location is Bibliothèque National Lat. 16670 ff 19vb-21vb, and whose edition is Cser (2000). Texts of this type occur in great numbers and great variety in the last centuries of the Middle Ages. They summarise the rules of Latin syntax, interspersed occasionally with morphological information, in twenty-odd points. First we give short and typical sections of the text with some explanatory notes. Then we give an English translation of the selected sections, finally we discuss some aspects of the text as a whole.

Restricted access

Ennek a dolgozatnak a tárgya a morfológia, illetve szótan ókori grammatikákban megmutatkozó felfogása, melyet kétféle összefüggésben helyezünk el: egyrészt a morfológia mai modelljeinek tipológiájában, másfelől pedig azok tudománytörténeti alakulásában. Áttekintjük, hogy milyen érvek szólnak a mai nyelvelméletben az ókori típusú, szigorú értelemben morfológia nélküli szótan mellett. Szólunk arról is, hogy hogyan bontakozott ki a morfológiai szerkezet egyre pontosabb felismerése a magyar nyelv régi, latin alapú grammatikáiban a 16–17. század folyamán.

Restricted access

This paper discusses a phenomenon of Latin phonology, word-initial extrasyllabic s, a subcase of what is traditionally called s impurum. Extrasyllabic s behaves unlike other consonants in syllabification, especially at morpheme boundaries, where resyllabification takes place. The odd behaviour of initial extrasyllabic s in poetry is explained not on the basis of clashing metrical conventions but on the basis of principles inherent in the phonological system of Latin.

Restricted access

In this paper we look at the demise of perfective reduplication in Latin and seek to answer the question why this process of erosion followed a phonologically rather strictly defined path. The small set of remaining reduplicated perfects is not a random collection of leftovers from the ruins of earlier morphology (as it is e.g. in Gothic) but displays remarkable phonological coherence in the documented period of the language. To understand why this should be so we look at the relevant phonotactic properties of simplex forms. It appears quite clearly that, for a variety of reasons, the number of stems beginning with p V p , t V t , k V k , b V b and s V s increased in the prehistory of Latin. The fact that this occurred and that voiceless stops figure more prominently in this configuration than other types of consonants may well have given rise to a new phonotactic pattern in which such stem-initial sequences were now legitimate (as opposed to Proto-Indo-European). It seems to be a plausible explanation that perfective verb forms remained reduplicated only if they conformed to this new phonotactic pattern.

Restricted access

This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of the inflectional morphology of Latin in terms of the patterns of allomorphy and the environments governing the distribution of allomorphs. It is demonstrated that all the attested allomorphic alternations can be described as functions of a vocalic scale, practically the sonority scale of vowels plus the undifferentiated class of consonants as the least sonorous extreme. The distribution of allomorphs along the vocalic scale crucially displays the property of contiguity, i.e., the subsections of the scale that trigger one particular allomorph are uninterrupted.

Restricted access
Authors: Julia Bacskai-Atkari and András Cser
Restricted access