Memristors are not market ready devices yet, however their future applications can be tested with electric circuit simulation software on application oriented models. This paper proposes a simulation model for memristors that will possibly used in electrical engineering. Especially the unwanted saturation effect of the devices resulted by the direct current component possibly superimposed to the alternating operational current is investigated in this paper through simulation sessions.
In the last decade considerable progress was achieved in the theory of tree shakers used for fruit harvesting. New calculation methods were developed including the vibrating soil mass which enabled the calculation of effective soil masses on a strictly physical basis. However, these earlier investigations did not treat with the effect of stroke frequency. In these investigations, first of all, the friction behavior of the soil mass is discussed as a function of stroke frequency. It turned out that the decrease and shifting of the soil deformation waves as a function of distance measured from the tree trunk are the main sources of an intensive friction between the neighbouring soil layers. As a consequence, the logarithmic decrement (and not the damping coefficient) of the soil will be more or less constant as a function of stroke frequency, at least in the investigated frequency range. At lower attachment heights the soil friction losses dominate independently on stroke frequency. The virtual spring constant of the soil body is also frequency dependent. Due to the presence of combined frictional and viscous losses, the energy method seems to be the best one to analyze the effect of stroke frequency on the various operational parameters.
In the first half of the fifties almost every year there was a spring exhibition in Budapest. It was usually open to those who had no chance to show their works in the great state exhibitions in the previous years and thus the Ministry of Popular Education had not purchase any from them. There was a strict jury to select from the submitted works and to recommend what to exhibit and what to buy.
The Spring Exhibition opened on 20 April 1957 in all rooms of the Kunsthalle was different. The exhibits were not selected by a state-delegated jury but by four juries delegated by the artists themselves and everyone was free to submit their painting, sculpture, print to any of the four. The selection was also widely different from the ‘socialist realist’ works of the earlier spring exhibitions, representing a rich assortment of styles from naturalist to abstract and surrealist. The Greek sculptor Agamemnon Macris, who immigrated to Hungary and was immediately accepted and acknowledged by the art community, was entrusted with the organization of the exhibition; he arranged the selection by stylistic trends, each given a room of its own.
The Spring Exhibition was received by a meticulously organized volley of criticism. It was reviled by the dailies and – under the pretext of a debate – the newly launched literary weekly, Élet és Irodalom [Life and Literature] carried a series of disparaging articles. It was their coordinated opinion that under the motto “let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools compete” the Spring Exhibition was a misinterpreted copy of the ongoing Chinese cultural campaign and, in short, it was petty bourgeois anarchy incarnate. The experience of a free choice of style, unrestricted self-presentation and the intensive attack of abuse left a deep imprint on the memory of the artists. The same applies to art historical writing.
The author is a researcher of the history of the Fine Arts (from 1968 Arts) Fund. In the four decades of socialism this institution was in charge of organizing the subsistence of artists: the companies under its aegis did everything from casting sculptures to art trade, from grounding canvas to printing picture-postcards, and from the income the fund gave the artists old-age pension, medical care, sick pay and occasional allowances, and even interest-free loans. Several documents have been found scattered among the files of the Federation of Hungarian Artists and the Ministry of Culture found in the National Archives, which refer to the 1957 Exhibition. Excerpts are given from them in the Appendix. The picture that they help reproduce provides explanation to the nervousness with which the political leadership that rose to power with the support of the intervening Soviet troops after the 1956 revolution responded to the Spring Exhibition.
The documents reveal: the Spring Exhibition was not only an attempt to restore the artists’ intellectual autonomy, but also – and most importantly – to regain their financial independence. The four juries were also the cores of four possible artists’ groups, and the members of the Artists’ Federation and the Arts Fund would have been rallied in the “salons” they represented. Each of these salons would have owned a company which they hoped to set up on the material and personal resources of the art trading company of the Fund called Képcsarnok, and of the creative communities active with permission since the autumn of 1953.
Splitting up Képcsarnok into smaller companies was originally proposed by the Arts Fund director and the leaders of the art division of the Ministry of Education in summer 1956 and not by the Federation. It was hoped that when a single company was replaced by several, and each management included a few prominent artists, then the grumbling painters and graphic artists protesting against the hegemony of the only art trading company’s only jury and the only top leader of the jury could be pacified. The director’s plan was discussed by the artists several times in summer and autumn, but then the revolution broke out on the 23rd, veering the story into a new direction.
The Executive Committee formed from the Revolutionary Committee of the Federation of Artists and the ministerial commissioner Agamemnon Macris who headed the Federation put the plan in the focus of the reform of the Federation they jointly worked out. The four economic units called “salons” converted from the planned four small companies would have been held together by a new independent Artists’ Federation Association shedding the patronage of the state. The membership of the “salons”, with their leadership of prominent artists and juries answerable to them, and with the Arts Fund to be put under their control, wished to take their own destiny in hand, eliminating the so-far dictating bureaucratic apparatus: the party centre and the ministry. The Spring Exhibition would have been the debut of this reorganized Association and the enterprises that would have ensured its financial autonomy.
No doubt about it, this could not be put up with either by the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party or the government officials. The Kádárian leadership driven by the logic of the violent recapture of power refused to yield the safest means of control: the material resources and supervision of the access to them. Consequently, it deployed all possible means to checkmate the artists’ plan. In the forums of publicity the pluralism of the Spring Exhibition was vehemently attacked, while the office took “administrative” measures to thwart the working of the Association trying to reorganize itself in a new spirit and on new grounds. It was therefore in vain for Macris to visit György Aczél, the newly appointed deputy cultural minister to tell him his assessment of the situation and to advise on it, for no one listened to him. The working of the Association was suspected, the reform plans discarded and they tried to erase even the memory of the Spring Exhibition.
Artists’ recollections of the Kádárist period of Hungarian socialism as well as the analyses of the cultural policy of the one-party state include as a permanent motif the “three T’s” for the initial letter of the Hungarian words for banning, toleration and support (tiltás, tűrés, támogatás) designed in theory for works and in practice applied partly to works and partly to artists. The reminiscing artists and the analysts are more or less at one declaring that “three T’s” were “created” by György Aczél to describe the working of the art policy he dictated between 1957 and 1985.
The matter is however far more complicated. First, the control of art policy was only partly in Aczél’s hand at the beginning of the period, and at that time there was no trace of the “three T’s”, but at most two were experienced: banning and support. Secondly, Aczél’s art policy was not solely his: the demarcation of his scope always fundamentally depended on the actual high political circumstances and on the party leaders who tried to hold them in sway.
In the years of retaliation after the 1956 revolution between 1957 and 1962 the HSWP addressed all social groups including of course the artists from the position of power. For Aczél, it would have been in vain to add anything to the memorandum “on the situation of our literature” discussed by the party PC on August 6, 1957 as much as it was in vain to include that “reserving the right of criticism, the party and the government (…) allow publicity to any non-realist trend that is not hostile to the people’s democracy” in the released resolution – that was not an indication of a “tolerant” art policy. This is massively proven by the “guiding principles” of the HSWP’s “cultural policy” announced in the summer of 1958 which declared that “the party will not put up with the fact that the inferior formalist products of bourgeois decadence (…) should pollute the taste of our people without inhibitions.” Consequently, the “non-realist” trends – though not hostile “to the people’s democracy” did not have a say in literature or any other genre, including fine arts. Only the Ministry of Culture could have allowed them some scope, for the key to all publicity – in case of fine arts, the preliminary permission process for exhibitions – got into the hands of the art department of the ministry from autumn ’57, but they had no intention to give room to artists creating abstract, surrealist, etc. works qualified as “anti-humanist”.
In the early sixties the grip of the dictatorship was loosened. In his closing address at the 8th congress of the HSWP János Kádár announced the slogan of the new times: “Those who are not against us are with us.” In this relaxed atmosphere the ministry in charge of artistic matters was ready to make concessions. Small concessions, of course: they deemed it sufficient to give permission for four exhibitions a year in the smallest exhibiting room of Budapest for the representatives of “artistic trends alien to our goals but not hostile in its contents”, provided that they were willing and able to cover all costs of the exhibitions from their pockets. The plan was thrashed out in detail. György Aczél consulted personally with the head of the cultural subsdivision of the HSWP László Szecsődi before the memorandum to be submitted to the party’s Committee of Agitation and Propaganda. Yet the case did not reach the committee and in 1963 it was removed from the agenda. Notably because, in late 1962, the Soviet political leadership launched a campaign against all modern styles – not for the first or the last time — which the Hungarian decision-makers – who had enough trouble with the architects’ viewpoint that they would not see any “thematic works” in their buildings — could not disregard.
The case of the “self-paid exhibitions” came up again around the middle of the decade when preparations for the “new economic mechanism” to be launched in 1968 required the differentiation of the tools of a cultural policy that until then only knew of support and banning and the increased flexibility of allocating financial support, so they inserted the category of “tolerable” or “permissible” works between the supported and banned ones concerning public showing. Then on May 4, 1967 the ministry ordered the Lectorate of Fine and Applied Arts to insert in the schedule of exhibitions “self-paid” and “semi-self-paid” showings, and instructed the Kunsthalle to stage them in the Fényes Adolf gallery. The cost to be paid was 5000 and 2500 HUF, respectively. The first such exhibitions were opened in 1968.
Not many such showings took place. There was no point. From the early sixties nearly all forbidden fruits — works by the classic and new generations of Hungarian avant-garde — were accessible at first in private homes, later in university clubs, culture houses, the Club of Young Artists, from 1963 in the most important venue, the King St Stephen Museum in Székesfehérvár and later in the Janus Pannonius Museum in Pécs.
The paper whose preliminary writing was published in Művészettörténeti Értesítő 2015/2 presents the archival sources of the above process in the appendix.
Authors:Gyula Horváth, Zsolt Simonka and György Lázár
Bevezetés: A gyulladásos bélbetegségek közé tartozó Crohn-betegség a tápcsatorna bármely szakaszát érintő kórkép. Célkitűzés: A szerzők retrospektív vizsgálatukban a Szegedi Tudományegyetem Sebészeti Klinikáján 2005. január 1. és 2012. október 31. közötti időszakban Crohn-betegség miatt laparoszkópos és nyitott hasi műtéten átesett betegek kezelési eredményeinek összehasonlítását tűzték ki célul. Módszer: A betegeket a műtéti típusok szerint csoportosították, programozottan 103 betegen 137 esetben nyitott műtétet, 30 betegen 30 esetben laparoszkópos beavatkozást végeztek. 22 betegnél 24 primer akut műtét történt. Eredmények: A laparoszkópos műtéten átesett betegek átlagéletkora szignifikánsan alacsonyabb (p = 0,042) volt. A laparoszkópos ileocaecalis reszekciók szignifkánsan rövidebbnek bizonyultak mint a nyitott műtétek (p = 0,033). A műtéti időtartamok összehasonlítása során szignifikáns különbséget (p = 0,033) az ileocaecalis reszekcióknál találtak. A laparoszkópos műtéten átesett betegek a nyitott hasi műtéten átesett betegekhez képest szignifikánsan rövidebb időt töltöttek a sebészeti osztályon (p = 0,025) és az intenzív osztályon (p < 0,001), valamint a bélpasszázs is hamarabb indult meg. Következtetések: A laparoszkópos műtétek esetében kisebb műtéti és kozmetikai traumával, rövidebb kórházi tartózkodással, nem nagyobb szövődmény- és morbiditási rátával és bizonyos esetekben rövidebb műtéti idővel számolhatunk. Ugyanakkor magasabb műtéti költségeket és képzettebb személyzeti feltételeket igényelnek. Orv. Hetil., 2014, 155(1), 24–29.
Authors:György Wéber, József Baracs and Örs Péter Horváth
Bevezetés: A hasfal rekonstrukciójára számos műtéti megoldás ismert, az eredmények azonban meglehetősen szerények és ellentmondásosak. Vizsgálatunk célja a hasfali sérvek varrattal, illetve hálóbeültetéssel végzett műtéti kezelésének valamint az onlay, illetve sublay helyzetben beültetett hálók műtéti eredményeinek összehasonlítása. Anyag és módszerek: A 2002-ben kezdődött multicentrikus, prospektív, randomizált vizsgálatban az ország 20 sebészeti osztályán (lásd Függelék) 953 beteg hasfali rekonstrukcióját végeztük el. A betegeket, a sérv nagysága szerint két csoportba osztottuk: A csoport (n = 494): a sérvkapu nagysága 5–25 cm2 (kis sérv) és B csoport (n = 459): a sérvkapu nagyobb, mint 25 cm2 (nagy sérv). A randomizálásnak megfelelően az A csoportban a hasfal-rekonstrukció varrattal (n = 247), illetve hálóbeültetéssel (sublay n = 247) történt. A 25 cm2-nél nagyobb sérvek esetében (B csoport) hálóbeültetés történt, random módon sublay (n = 235), illetve onlay technikával (n = 224). Az utánkövetés öt évig tartott, és 2009 márciusában fejeződött be. Eredmények: Az ötéves utánkövetés során 219 beteget zártunk ki a vizsgálatból, így 734 beteg (a randomizált betegek 77%-a) adatait tudtuk elemezni. Az A csoport varrattal kezelt 184 betegénél 50 esetben (27%), míg a hálóval kezelt 180 betegénél 15 esetben (8%) találtunk recidív sérvet, a különbség szignifikáns (p < 0,001). A nagy sérvek eseté-ben (B csoport) a 189 sublay meshnél 38 esetben (20%), míg a 181 onlay meshnél 22 esetben (12%) találtunk recidív sérvet, a különbség ugyancsak szignifikáns (p < 0,05). Következtetések: A hálóbeültetés jobb, mint a varrattal történő hasfal-rekonstrukció. A 25 cm2-nél nagyobb sérvek esetében – a szakmai vélekedéssel ellentétben – az „onlay” hálóval szignifikánsan jobbak a műtéti eredmények, mint a „sublay” helyzetben beültetett hálóval.
A randomizált vizsgálat ID száma NCT01018524 (www.ClinicalTrials.gov).
Authors:Éva Pállinger, Gábor Kovács, Zsuzsanna Horváth, Judit Müller and György Csaba
Immune cells synthesize, store and secrete hormones, the level of which changes in ALL. In previous experiments the level of histamine, serotonin and triiodothyronine (T3)was studied, while at present that of ACTH, insulin and epinephrine, using flow cytometric analysis for the determination of cell subsets and detection of hor-mone content. The measurements were done in children at the time of diagnosis. ACTH was significantly elevated in each T cell subsets (total T, Th, Tc, activated T), while B and NK cells were not touched. The alterations in the insulin content (decrease in Tc and activated T cells) were uncertain, and NK cells contained significantly less insulin. The disease did not influence the cells’ epinephrine content. There is not clear explanation for the importance of changes in the cells’ hormone content, however, it is discussed in the text.
Authors:A. Abdousalam Algaidi, Hamuda Hosam E. A. F. Bayoumi, Márk Horváth, Erika Nótás and György Heltai
Kadmiummal (Cd) és ólommal (Pb) szennyezett talaj
gázkibocsátását vizsgáltuk gázkromatográfiás és kemilumineszcenciás módszerrel
zárt rendszerű, különböző hőmérsékleten inkubált (15 és 37 SYMBOL 176 \f
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Authors:Anita Takács, Katalin Kovács, Gábor Halász, Zoltán Győri, Ilona Fekete, György Heltai and Márk Horváth
The estimation of environmental risk caused by pollution with potentially toxic elements (PTE) is usually carried out using the (3+1) step sequential extraction procedure suggested in 1993 by the Community Bureau of Reference (BCR). In the 1st step the water-soluble, exchangeable and carbonate-bound element content is extracted with acetic acid. In 2002 a fractionation procedure based on the application of supercritical CO2, subcritical H2O and of a mixture of subcritical H2O/CO2 was proposed, which allowed the water-soluble and carbonatebound element contents to be extracted separately from sediment or soil samples weighed into the preparative column of a supercritical fluid extractor and diluted with quartz sand in a mass ratio of 1:20. The aim of the present study was to develop a new reduced-size column construction with which this dilution rate could be decreased to 1:2. A kinetic study was performed to determine the extraction time necessary for samples with different carbonate contents and the extracted element contents were compared to the results of the BCR sequential procedure on the same samples. It was established that fractionation using the reduced-size column may be a rapid way to obtain more reliable information on the easily mobilizable (watersoluble and carbonate-bound) PTE content of soils and sediments than was previously available to supplement BCR fractionation.
Authors:Andrea Horváth, Attila Patonay, Dénes Bánhegyi, János Szlávik, György Balázs, Dénes Görög and Klára Werling
infectio Magyarországon emberben eddig még nem diagnosztizált, ritka helminthiasis. Endémiás területe Európa középső része; a környező országok nagy részéből már jelentették előfordulását, és a hazai vörösróka-állományban is kimutatták a fertőzést. A szerzők ismertetik az első magyarországi humán esetet, és összefoglalják az alveolaris echinococcosis epidemiológiájára, klinikumára és kezelési lehetőségeire vonatkozó jelenlegi ismereteket. Felhívják a figyelmet arra, hogy – megfelelő klinikai tünetek esetén – az infiltratív hepaticus terimék differenciáldiagnosztikája során ma már figyelembe kell venni e ritka kórkép lehetőségét is.