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A cigányság középosztályosodása

The Emergence of Romani Middle Class

Educatio
Author: Katalin Forray R.

Absztrakt:

A cigány, roma népességet hagyományosan úgy szokták tekinteni, mint a társadalom leghátrányosabb helyzetű csoportját, amelynek sok gazdasági, társadalmi és kulturális segítségre volna szüksége, hogy integrálódjék a többségi társadalomba. Ebben a tanulmányban a szerző, ellenkezőleg, a cigány, roma társadalom középosztályosodását mutatja be Magyarországon. A cigány, roma középosztályosodás századok óta tart, de nehezen vagy sehogy sem volt megfigyelhető, mivel azok, akik integrálódtak a középosztályba, egyben asszimilálódtak is. Az utóbbi években azonban új jelenségre figyelhettünk fel: a cigányság a középosztályosodás során egyre inkább megőrzi cigány, roma identitását, amit eredeti nevének a megőrzése is mutat. A cigány, roma lakosság iskolázottsági szintje drámaian emelkedik. A kutatások, amelyek eredetileg a cigány, roma elemi oktatásra összpontosultak, egyre inkább áttevődnek a cigányság közép- és felsőfokú oktatására. Új aktor is színre lépett a cigányság iskolázásának támogatásában, a tradicionális (keresztény) egyházak. A szerző néhány egyetemi hallgató életpályáján keresztül illusztrálja a fő társadalmi intézmények (iskola, felsőoktatás, egyház, civil szervezetek) együttműködését a cigány, roma középosztályosodás folyamatában.

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Abstract

According to our initial assumption, there would be two characteristic strategies for Romani catching up. One strategy is to lift the Romanies out of poverty and bring their living conditions closer to the average living conditions of the majority society. According to the other strategy, Romanies create a national minority in the majority society. It should be supported so that the members of the community could preserve their national characteristics and exercise their minority rights. By reviewing the literature (e.g., Armillei 2014; Boscoboinik & Giordano 2008; Ladányi & Szelényi 2016) we searched in which country which strategies are being followed by current governments. The result is that these strategies coexist within a country and are increasingly intermingled according to existing governments. The reason for this phenomenon is the recent changes in Romani societies and the emergence of new middle classes. There are both economic and cultural conditions for emerging these middle classes. A successful Romani strategy has to contain therefore, both economic and cultural actions. The governments of the region must contribute not only to the catching-up of the Romanies but also to the formation of their Romani middle classes.

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This article discusses the (mostly impeding) impact of the traditional female role model on the learning success of Roma and Gypsy women – based on two interview studies with Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary about their educational biography – with focus on the case of Marianne, a Hungarian Gypsy woman, who has come from a background of multiple deprivations but has managed a successful educational career (higher education graduation). Her educational biography can be seen as typical for Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary. She achieved her university degree at the age of 40 years – with delays and breaks – mostly in evening courses in addition to family and work. During her studies, she questioned the traditional female role model and experienced strong identity crises in her educational career because of the incompatible attitudes of the majority and minority culture. The departure from tight and constricting family relationships was very distressing. However, she also experienced the freedom to decide, could develop her talents, and took her life into her own hands, which altogether strengthened her self-esteem.

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In most European countries, Roma people are traditionally less successful in education systems than the non-Roma population. Especially, Roma women have traditionally been less involved in schooling compared to men than they suffer from multiple deprivations: First, their different cultural/ethnic traditions often lead to discrimination in school education. Second, a large part of Roma live in poverty. Third, women also have disadvantages through the gender aspect, because the traditional Roma culture defines the place of women in the family and an educational career is not necessary for that. Despite these multiple deprivations, Roma women are increasingly successful in the education system. In modern societies, however, Roma women are present at school, although usually at the lowest, compulsory level. The lack of education is often the reason that they are only partly present in the labor market. Even if they have a job, they often receive the worst positions. Several countries, such as Hungary, also paid particular attention to education policy. With the emergence of resilience, disadvantaged young people started to be involved in education. The model of inclusive school helps them in schooling. The current HERJ issue discusses the situation of female Roma and Gypsy women in some European countries: Croatia, Poland, Norway, England, Germany, and Hungary. First, our aim is to describe their particular needs (possible), improving and impeding factors in educational systems and second to share experiences about developing education concepts, which could support the educational participation of Roma women and – as much as possible – also their success in the education system.

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Befogadók vagy jogvédők?

A roma/cigány oktatáspolitika dilemmái

Social Inclusion or Legal Protection?

The Dilemma of Roma Educational Policy in Hungary Today
Educatio
Authors: Katalin Forray R. and Tamás Kozma

Összefoglaló. A befogadás (inklúzió) eredetileg a szegénypolitika (szociálpolitika) szakkifejezése volt. Onnan terjedt át a társadalompolitikába és a pedagógiába (gyógypedagógia). A Lisszaboni Egyezmény (2000) óta az Európai Unió hivatalos állásfoglalásaiban visszatérően szerepel mint törekvés a „társadalmi kohézió” erősítésére. A jogvédelem eredete visszanyúlik az 1960-as évtized amerikai polgárjogi mozgalmára. Két eset ismertetésével a szerzők bemutatják a kétféle mozgalom hasonlóságait és különbségeit; összekapcsolva őket a roma/cigány oktatáspolitika dilemmáival. A roma/cigány szegénység még mindig szükségessé teszi a befogadás politikáját. Ugyanakkor a szegénységből kiemelkedő roma/cigány középosztály köreiben erősödik a politizálás szándéka és a jogvédelem igénye.

Summary. “Inclusion” has initially been a social policy term. Its use spread from there to policies of welfare, healthcare and education (special education). Inclusion has repeatedly mentioned since the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) in European Union resolutions as an effort to strengthen “social cohesion”. “Legal protection”, on the other hand, goes back to the American civil rights movement of the 1960s. By describing two Hungarian cases, the authors present the similarities and differences between the two policies; linking them to the dilemmas of Roma education policy. Inclusion as a social policy is still necessary because of existing Roma poverties. At the same time, the intention to politicize and the need for legal protection is growing among the new Roma middle class, which emerges out of poverty and steps into the political arena.

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Bevándorlás és oktatás

Immigration and Education

Educatio
Author: Katalin Forray R.

Absztrakt:

A bevándorlás új hulláma a problémák sokaságát hozza magával mindkét oldal számára. A történelemben nem ismeretlen a magyarok számára a bevándorlás, de az utolsó nagyobb bevándorló népesség a cigányság, amelynek máig beilleszkedési problémái vannak. A tanulmányok az oktatás kérdéseit vizsgálják. Kitekintenek a jelenlegi nem magyar tanulókra, az iskoláskorú migránsok problémáira, a tanulók és tanáraik attitűdjeire. Végül a német és francia tapasztalatokat mutatják be.

Open access

Abstract

What happens, if a university moves to a town that never had a higher education institution previously? What is the impact of this development both on the community and the institution? The aim of this paper is to answer this question. The authors use the concept of ‘social innovation’ for understanding the developments. An institute may initiate, organise and coordinate all kinds of learning that takes place in a given community (Bradford, 2003). To do so, the institute may have to change its missions (not only its third, but also its first, second and third ones. These developments could be interpreted as a ‘social innovation’ during which the local economy and society was challenged and they looked for new responses. As suggested in the ‘social innovation’ literature the main research method was participatory research, combined with structured and semi-structured interviews, story-telling and narrative analyses. As a result, three interest groups could be described with various requirements different demands toward the university; while the university had to modify its structure, curriculum and communications. The main lesson to learn is that ’social innovation’ as a frame of interpretation can be used to understand the developmental processes that occurred between the locals and a new university.

Open access

Közösségi tanulás járvány idején

Social Learning in Pandemic

Educatio
Authors: Katalin Forray R. and Tamás Kozma

Összefoglaló. A társadalmi innovációt és közösségi tanulást kutatók általában társadalmi méretű természeti katasztrófákból indulnak ki (Moulaert et al. 2013: 113–130). Mi a járványt próbáljuk úgy tekinteni, mint az egész közösséget érő kihívást, amely új tanulásokat és innovációkat eredményez (Márkus–Kozma 2019: 5–17). Paradigmatikus kutatási módszerünk a résztvevő megfigyelés (Moulaert–MacCallum 2019: 115–120). Ezt kiegészítjük a szociális média elemzésével, valamint célzott interjúkkal és folyamatos monitorozással. Az események lefutására példaként az oktatást (tanárokat, tanulókat, szülőket és fönntartókat) használtuk. Négy lakossági csoportot és jellegzetes magatartásaikat sikerült körvonalaznunk a kormányzat mint aktor mellett: a „lojálisakat”, a „vádaskodókat”, az „aktívakat” és az „innovatívakat”. Az oktatásügy története a járványveszély idején változó dinamikát mutat. A járványveszély kihirdetésekor a civilek innovativitása fellángolt; ezt azonban a kormányzati adminisztráció később fokozatosan visszaszorította. A kívánatos ezzel szemben a felek partnersége lett volna.

Summary. Researchers of social innovation and community (social) learning usually start their analyses from natural disasters (Moulaert et al. 2013: 113–130). In this paper, we defined the first six weeks of pandemic threat (COVID-19) in Hungary as a community-wide challenge that resulted in new learning and innovation (Márkus–Kozma 2019: 5–17). We choose participatory observation as the main research method (Moulaert–MacCallum 2019: 115–120) which was complemented by social media analysis as well as targeted interviews and ongoing monitoring. We used education (teachers, students, parents and owners of institutions) as an example. We outlined four population groups and their typical attitudes towards the government’s anti-virus education policy: the “loyal”, the “accuser”, the “active” and the “innovative”. The education policy showed changing dynamics at the time of the epidemic threat. When the threat was announced, the innovativeness of civilians flared up; however, this was later gradually suppressed by government decisions. The desired, on the other hand, would have been a partnership between the parties.

Open access