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  • Author or Editor: László Havas x
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The author had already demonstrated in a previous essay of his, that Cicero's De re publica was written in the period, when, either we take the new time of Atticus-Varro (753 BC) or the earlier time of Cato Senior (751/750 BC) as a basis, Rome celebrated the 700th anniversary of its existence. From this point of view the Ciceronian dialogue is an occasional work, which was made for the jubilee of Rome, yet in order to find a remedy for the Roman state facing such a crisis, so to speak a fatal danger. Cicero, from this viewpoint, would have been ready to take the special role of the moderator or the rector rei publicae (cf. rep., 2,52), of the person, who depends on his own honor and authority in the first place without any official commission. In this respect he renewed Cato Senior's intellectual inheritance, who published his Origines in a last, revised form in 149 BC, because on the one hand he wanted to introduce the glory of Rome, which city was born exactly 600 years earlier according to Cato's chronology, on the other hand Cato himself, not as a magistratus, but as the owner of his ancient authority, wanted to keep the state in balance, moreover to improve its situation. At the same time Cicero's state ideal seems to be closer to Scipio Aemilianus' conception indeed, that is why the author makes him the leading character of the dialogue, furthermore he dates the imaginary discussion to 129 BC, when Rome celebrated the 600th anniversary of its foundation according to Cincius Alimentus' chronology. By so doing the author of De re publica uses more time levels, confronting 149 BC, 129 BC and 53/51 BC, and all of these dates can be understood as certain Roman anniversaries. This essay demonstrates that Cicero wanted to present actually his own consular year, 63 BC as annus fatalis, and by this he partly continued the initiative of Marius and Sulla, preparing at the same time Augustus' ideology connected to the ludi saeculares of 17 BC, which considerably determined the whole mentality of Roman literature in the early period of empire. Therefore the saecularis idea can be rightly considered to be the Roman civilization's literature-creating factor.

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A fejedelemtükör jellegzetesen kora középkori születésű irodalmi műfajnak számított. Azóta bebizonyították, hogy az európai irodalmi kultúra egyik legősibb formája, amelynek gyökerei az ókori Kelet bölcsességirodalmába nyúlnak vissza, ahol korai időtől ismert az uralkodónak fiához intézett személyes tanítása. Ennek a formának azonban a görög irodalomban sokáig nem volt meg a helye, mert az eleutheria fogalma ellentmondott a monarchikus hatalom apáról fiúra való hagyományozásának. Némileg hasonló a helyzet a korai Rómában is, ahol az arisztokratikus társadalomban elegendő bizonyos megfellebbezhetetlennek tartott erkölcsi fogalmak hangoztatása. Változás a Mediterráneum meghódításának szakaszában következik majd be, amikor a régi társadalmi keretek megrendülnek, s fontossá válik a civis bonus eszményének körvonalazása, amely szülői vagy rokoni tanításként jelenik meg (Cato, Sempronia, Q. és M. Cicero). Az új monarchikus rendszer megteremtője Augustus maga is mint parens patriae fekteti le a jó kormányzás alapelveit „fiainak”, a római polgároknak. Igazi fordulat ezután következik be, amikor az uralkodói ideál a görögökhöz hasonlóan egy általánosabb műveltség: a filozófia és a történetírás része lesz. A latin nyelvű hagyományban később is megmarad a bölcs számára a tanácsadás az uralkodónak, s ez érvényes a keresztény monarchia megszületésének időszakára is. A monarcha személyének felmagasztalása a költők, a grammaticusok és a rhetorok, az egyházatyák feladata lesz, akiknek az Istenhez hasonlóan kell dicsőiteniük a földi helytartót. A Frank Birodalomban ez a hagyomány éled újjá, ami érvényes Nagy Károly idejére is. Később, amikor felerősödik a gelasiusi kettős hatalom késő antik felfogása, teljesen egyértelművé válik, hogy az egyháznak kell elvégeznie az uralkodó tanítását. A Német-Római Szent Birodalom theokratikus hatalmával azonban egy új uralkodói tükör alakul ki, amely valójában Szent István Intelmeivel következik be, aki személyes királyi tanításával valóban vicarius Deiként jelenik meg, s átveszi az Egyház szerepét az utód felkészítésében.

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Following the loss of his political position in the 50s BC and the tragedy in his private life, the death of his daughter, Cicero turns to the genre of the consolatio, connecting the personal hardships with experiencing the final days of the republic, the loss of libertas and dignitas. The analysis focuses on the plan of the fanum to commemorate Tullia, which is mostly regarded by researchers as displeasing and exhibitionist even in the eyes of contemporaneous orators. However, the letters suggest otherwise. Extending the virtus shown in the interest of the community and the concept of post-mortem honour acknowledging it also to women, and connecting it to the notions of humanitas and oikeiósis, Cicero argues for the apotheosis of Tullia on the basis of moral philosophical considerations. When it becomes evident that the realisation of the plan would harm Caesar’s financial and political interests, the letters designate the killing of the dictator obstructing the ideal functioning of the civitas as a communal task for the sake of preserving the sancta societas.

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One of the most famous works of literature written in Latin in Hungary is the the mirror for princes attributed to Saint Stephen, founder of the Hungarian state, which, therefore, enjoys high respect in the Catholic Church. However, as all the manuscripts in which the text survives go back to the 15th and 16th century, there has arisen the suspicion of forgery. This supposition is not adequate, because legends of Saint Stephen of the 11th–12th centuries give an exact description of the work. Saint Stephen presented his admonitions to his son at a moment when, after the death of Henry (Heinrich) II, Stephen’s son Emeric, as the closest relative, was being considered a suitable candidate for emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Later the text of the Admonitions , as a rule, came to be handed down with that of Stephen’s “Laws”, which generally meant that there emerged two versions of the text, both being of approximately the same value. The correct original text can probably be reconstructed through their collation.

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