The author examines strategies for the construction and representation of heritage in connection with the wine brotherhoods that are an integral part of modern wine culture. The choice of name frequently involves Latin expressions that reveal the communities’ attitude to the past as they wish to create a link with a particular historical period. The symbols often combine totally unrelated historical events, ages and tangible relics remote from each other in time that can be linked not only to the local grape and wine culture but also in the wider sense to the past of the region or settlement. The celebrations and rites of the wine brotherhoods can also be instruments for the construction of heritage by manifesting different traditions.
With the regulation of the rivers vast areas along the Tisza River were drained. As a result of this process flood plain farming gave way to the cultivation of field crops. However, the traditional forms of farming survived on the river flats between the dikes and the river and in the early 20th century vines and fruit trees were planted on the higher areas here outside many settlements along the Tisza River. The cultivation of vines in a manner adapted to the ecology and natural conditions of the river flats in Szentes resulted in the production of table grapes in quantities exceeding the subsistence level, for sale on the market. The article attempts primarily to explore the natural conditions determining this special form of cultivation. The most important natural factor is the periodical inundation during floods which fundamentally influences the course of grape production. The author examines how people farming in these areas are able to adapt to the harsh natural conditions, how they organise the cultivation and whether this ecological adaptation can be regarded as successful and viable.
Radamos (Radmožanci) is a village with a population of 254, inhabited by Hungarians of Roman Catholic religion, in the territory of present-day Slovenia bordering on Hungary. József Füle, a local inhabitant, experienced the apparition of Mary alone on June 15, 1947. The news spread immediately and in the summer of 1947 great numbers of people from the surrounding Hungarian, Croatian and Slovenian villages came regularly to visit the tree, and the Virgin Mary appeared to many of them, including a large number of children. The communist authorities of Yugoslavia at that time took a dim view of spontaneously organised pilgrimages with religious content: they imprisoned a number of people. The principal goal of the article, in addition to presenting the events of 1947, is to analyse the process whereby the apparitions live on in individual and collective memory, and the forms of manifestation found today, more than half a century after the apparitions. The authors also wish to interpret the process in which the pilgrimage site was transformed from the mid-1990s.
The article attempts to give an overview of how the different types of borders in Hungarian vine and wine culture can be manifested. In addition to the borders separating the different wine regions, there can also be borders within the individual vine-growing areas. The central purpose of the delimitation of a wine area is to establish a distinctive identity for the wines produced within it, and provide a means whereby the provenance of those wines can be guaranteed. The question and problem of drawing, strengthening and representing the borders can certainly throw light on new aspects of the grape and wine culture that can be regarded as related to the interests of vine-growing communities and to conflicts between them.
The present study examines the heritagization processes associated with pumpkin seed oil, a product typical of the Slovenian-Hungarian borderland, that have evolved since the 2000s in a settlement in the Őrség region of Hungary and a settlement in the Slovenian region of Goričko. The study explores how innovations — in our case, the introduction and spread of new varieties of pumpkin — have transformed seed oil processing technologies, and the impact that this transformation has had on the culture of the local communities. Both examples can be regarded as success stories in their own way, since the examined communities can be said to have taken ownership of, and “appropriated,” this aspect of their traditional culture in advance of other settlements in the same region by connecting and binding it to their own locality. Today, there can be no doubt that these two settlements have “earned the right” to be permanent representatives of this unique cultural heritage and to exploit the opportunities it offers.