Regarding the Mithras cult, Pannonia had an exceptional status in the Roman Empire. This unique status was connected with the huge numbers of military forces stationed there. Numerous inscriptions and altars give evidence that Pannonia had an uncommon sensitivity for religions; this is why some local characteristics and relief-versions could be made, for example: dadophores with pelta shields, and unique dedicational forms which are mostly known in Pannonia, and perhaps spread from there to other parts of the Empire. In my paper, I want to show the connections between Mithras and Sol on their Pannonian representations.
The presence of Mithras in Regio VI, Umbria, is documented by materials (some inscriptions, two arae, two reliefs, two tauroctonies: one of them fragmentary, the other one almost complete) which were either fortuitously unearthed between the 18th and the 19th century without any further research following, or discovered during unsystematic excavations – in both cases, they ended up lost (or simply forgotten) among the other pieces of family collections. This is how Marquis Eroli and Count Valenti bought, respectively, a relief now kept at the Museo Archelogico in Terni and a fragmentary tauroctony, still visible today in the hall of his ancestral palace in Trevi; Count Ramelli retrieved a tauroctony and some inscriptions in Sentinum: the tauroctony was then walled in the hall of his palace in Fabriano and the inscriptions were collected in the lapidarium of the palace. Finally, Count Marignoli promoted the excavation of the Mithraeum in Spoleto, dug up by Fabio Gori and documented in drawings and watercolors by the architect Silvestri; currently that Mithraeum has been reduced to a shapeless heap of rubble and its materials are not to be found anywhere.
This is definitely a distressing situation which, however, allows us to outline at least a Mithraic geography in Umbria made up of places along the Via Flaminia, east and west, where initiates to the Mithraic cult used to live, from Ocriculum to Interamna Nahars, Montoro, Spoletium, Trebiae, Carsulae and Sentinum, on the junction of the road coming from Helvillum. As for the cultores Mithrae in Regio VI, the few surviving inscriptions speak about them. There are freemen and freedmen, few slaves, some artisans, maybe some landowners or administrators of private and public estates who live and work at in-between towns and villae. They participate in the cult by covering various functions and supporting it financially: the leones in Carsulae collect money to build their leonteum; Sextus Egnatius Primitivus pays out of pocket to rebuild a spelaeum destroyed by an earthquake, while the thirty-five patroni of Sentinum contribute in different ways to the needs of their community.
It is well known that the Torso Belvedere was very influential on Michelangelo's work, but there is no evidence for using this prototype before working on the fresco of the Battle of Cascina in 1505–06. One of the figures of this composition following prototypes of the Antiquity seems to be the copy after another model. It was, according to the inscription of a drawing kept in Oxford, a male torso belonging in 1513 to Giovanni Ciampolini's collection in Rome. Michelangelo might have the occasion to visit this collection during his stay in Rome between 1496–1501. In spite of different attempts of identification, the whereabouts of this statue is at present unknown.
The relief in the Hungarian National Museum, attributed in the Hungarian art historio-graphy to a local Hungarian Master of the Renaissance shows stylistic features of the Verrocchio cercle and may be dated earlier than the inscription with the date of 1526. It was a sculpted image which could be inserted into an architecture or in a frame. In 1777 it was surely in the possession of a canon of Vác cathedral, but its provenience – determined by the division of the aristocratic family of the Báthory in a Catholic and a Protestant line – is uncertain and can only be enlighted by written sources.
In introductions to the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae it is always stated that the ThLL considers all texts up to about 600 AD. But what does this mean in concrete terms: ‘all’ and ‘up to approx. 600’? Is an inscription from the year 610 still cited? And how did the ThLL define this limit? I will deal with these questions here. In addition, I will briefly explain to what extent the ThLL is not only the most comprehensive Latin dictionary, but also the only modern Late Latin dictionary.
An interesting carved stone fragment of the mediaeval Royal Palace of Buda was found in Budapest in 1997, built secondarily in a house at No. 6 Márvány Street. On the carved prismatic red marble stone with polished surface details of an inscription in square capitals can be read in two lines: ‘… DIADEM[A]…/…TOLLII · [I]…’ This fragment can be complemented with another carved piece found during the excavations led by László Gerevich in the Royal Palace of Buda in the 1950s. The similarly prismatic stone with polished surface features the end of an inscription in two lines: “…OQUE / …VT·”. Since the type of the letters and the size are identical, it is reasonably justified to assume that the two fragments used to belong to the same inscribed frieze. It was probably included in the structure of an aperture frame (door, window, or fireplace) as the known analogies suggest. Our hypothesis is verified by a written source that registered with the authenticity of the eye-witness the inscription the fragments of which have now been found. In his description of Buda including the former Royal Palace occupied by the Ottomans, Salomon Schweigger (and in his wake Reinhold Lubenau) put down an inscription into which the fragments at issue can be fitted. The text is as follows:
ad astra Cap
It is apparent at first glance that the fragments contain parts of this text. Nevertheless, it is still important to call attention to the slight differences between the distich printed in Schweigger's book and the text in the carved stone fragment. The differences might be attributed to mistaken copying or more probably to erroneous memory, but the circumstances of neither the observation, nor the recording are known. This warns of the discrepancies or contradictions in the trinity of the surviving text, our own interpretation and the one-time reality.
The inscribed fragment unearthed in the 1950s was found outside the eastern facade of the Palace and the southern wall of the Chapel, in the debris filling the area of the inner ward. The debris originated from the former buildings on location, that is, from the demolished Chapel and the eastern wing of the Court of State. There is general consensus among scholars that the above mentioned eastern wing contained King Matthias Corvinus's library, to which this inscription and two other ones are usually connected by research. Travellers visiting the palace occupied by the Turks often gave account of the library and the neighbouring rooms. Having thoroughly analysed these accounts, a close spatial connection can be concluded between the library (and the so-called “observatory” room) adjoining the Chapel, the royal bedchamber close to the library, and the royal “dining room” (and an associated small kitchen) all on the first floor of the eastern and southern sides of the court. However, our current knowledge is insufficient to decide how to correlate the rooms with inscriptions in some accounts and the representative rooms in other accounts, except for the library.
From among the inscriptions of Buda Palace noted by written accounts the three at issue here are connected not only by their common versification, or by their one-time spatial closeness. They had also a common function: the aim of all three inscriptions was to explain the constellations depicted next to them on the walls. All three paintings had astrological subjects, showing with artistic means certain constellations at the time of certain events. King Matthias Corvinus is well known to be keen on the cultivation of astrology at a high level in his court. Beside his court astronomer Martin Bylica of Olkusz, Johannes Regiomontanus, one of the most original and active astronomers of his age, spent five years in Hungary and dedicated several important works to the king. The mural paintings showing the constellations on the days of Matthias's birth, his election as king of Bohemia and the accession of Wladislas II Jagiello to the Hungarian throne played outstanding roles in royal representation. Comparing the texts of the written accounts of the travellers visiting the Palace with contemporaneous depictions on similar themes, we tried to deduce the types and the manner of depictions of the lost paintings in Buda.
A hieroglif luvi KARKAMIŠ A4b feliraton említett Sura országának azonosítása mindmáig megoldatlan, noha ez a helynév adatolt más hieroglif luvi feliratokon is. Az összes szöveghely filológiai elemzését követően (kizárva azokat, amelyeket tévesen olvasnak Surának) a földrajzi, történeti és filológiai bizonyítékok alapján kijelenthető, hogy a hieroglif luvi KARKAMIŠ A4b és A6 feliratok Sura országa és a görög források anatóliai syriosai ugyanarra a térségre, Kappadokiára utalnak, és hogy Sura volt a kappadokiai újhettita állam, Tabal helyi, luvi neve.
Elsősorban római feliratokon találkozhatunk azzal a jelenséggel, hogy az idem névmás hímnem nominativusban tűnik fel olyan helyeken, ahol másik nem, más eset (általában dativus) vagy adverbium lenne indokolt. A feliratgyűjtemények az idem alakokat általában adverbiumként értelmezik, és itemre javítják. E. H. Sturtevant viszont azt állítja, hogy míg Ostiában az idem alakok az item adverbium helyi, dialektális változatai, ugyanezeket az alakokat Rómában tudatosan használt nominativusnak kell tekintenünk. A tanulmány Sturtevant elméletének kritikai vizsgálatával az idem névmás megkövesedésének és az item adverbiummal való esetleges összeolvadásának kérdésével foglalkozik.
This chapter aims to reconsider an inscription from Consilinum (3rd century CE), in which we find the problematic mention of a mundus Attinis. This inscription has been almost neglected by scholars: it has been analyzed in a systematic way only in an article in Latin language back in 1978. It is not easy to explain what mundus exactly represented to the ancient Romans, but we can assert for sure that it was a holy place in connection with the worship of the gods of the underworld. The connection between Cybele, Attis, and the underworld is well known, but this is the only mention we have of a mundus Attinis i.e. Attidis. It might be connected to the (mystic?) rites in honor of the dead Attis, symbolized by a pine, who, during the Hilaria, was carried in an underground chamber for lamentations, before his new life. In my opinion, we might also think of the mundus as a sort of reversed womb, related to the figure of the Magna Mater, in which birth and death come together and overlap.