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Lihyanite inscriptions from the Al-ʿUlā Region in Saudi-Arabia] . Al-Riyāḍ , Maktabat Almalik Fahd Alwaṭaniyyah . ʿArbach , M. ( 1993 ): Lexique madhābien, compare aux

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памятников древнетюрк-ской письменности VIII века. Алма-ата : Наука . Aydin , Erhan 2007 . Şine Usu Yazıtı [Šine Usu Inscription

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–Boston, Brill. Giraud , René ( 1961 ): L’inscription de Baïn Tsokto . Paris, Librairie d’Amérique et d

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This paper focuses on Kalbak-Tash Inscriptions Nos XX, XXI and XXII which belong to the group of the Mountainous Altai Inscriptions. It provides an analysis of the problematic issues of these three inscriptions having emerged in previous studies, as well as to some new reading proposals for some parts of the inscriptions. The words kara and égil in Inscription No. XXI are interpreted as “commoner, an ordinary person”; and the word igen “deer” (< Old Turkic ingen “she-camel”) in Inscriptions No. XX and No. XXI is explained with the correspondence of Old Turkic teve “camel” = Yakut taba “reindeer”. In addition, the study lays emphasis on the fact that the antepenultimate sign of Inscription No. XXII could be s 1, and the word asŋar- which includes this sign could be interpreted as “(he) stopped (work) on the affair and sat down”. Another proposal which is put forward for Inscription No. XXII is that the signs g 2 t 2 r 2 are explained as éget er “servant, retainer”.

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hakutō no uigurugo daiki meibun フフホト白塔のウイグル語題記銘文 [Old Uigur inscriptions of the White Pagoda, Hohhot]. ’, Nairiku Ajia gengo no kenkyū 内陸アジア言語の研究/ Studies on the Inner Asian Languages 31 : 29 – 77

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The work comprises a presentation of a decipherment of an inscription on ancient lead objects found in China’s Wei River Valley, and the Han dynastic histories that preserve their memory. To reach his decipherment the author provides a substantial assembly of lexical material — much of it heretofore unpublished and absent from dictionaries — including Indo-European, Sanskrit, Indo-Aryan, and Chinese languages. Augmenting the philological material is a meaningful observation of Brāhmī forms and Chinese graphs also missing from standard works. The author observes the implications of his decipherment for the study of the interaction between Indian and Chinese cultures in antiquity, as well as for the history of the early proselytisation of the Buddhist faith and philosophy outside of India. All of it results in a contribution that should be of serious interest to Indologists and Sinologists alike.

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The present paper aims at examining the phonetic characteristics of the Latin in Narbonensis as reflected by the local inscriptions. Data will be presented from a limited corpus: from Fréjus (Forum Iulii), Antibes (Antipolis), Riez (Reii Apollinares), Digne (Dinia), Aix-en-Provence (Aquae Sextiae), Apt (Apta Iulia), Vienne (Vienna) and their territories. The inscriptions from these areas have been republished recently with the addition of some newly discovered inscriptions. Thus, this epigraphic material needs reconsideration in order to see whether the data collected from the new annotated edition corroborate or refute the existing findings of Vulgar Latin research.

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The aim of this study is to demonstrate what kind of changes took place in the Latin language in Aquitaine according to the inscriptions. All of the relevant inscriptions were examined up to this time, so we can form an opinion on the remarks made by József Herman, who was the first to deal with the development of the Latin of the Three Gauls in detail and who intended to write the history of this language. The categories of the computerized database are used for the analysis of the changes and some examples for the changes found are mentioned.

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In this paper, three re-readings and re-interpretations are put forward concerning a few lines of the Yenisei inscriptions. (1) Line 3 of the 3rd Elegešt inscription (E-53) is transcribed as kök t(ä)ηr(i)dä bul(ı)t k(ä)ru (a)lk(ı)nur törüm(i)š and understood as “The cloud(s) became visible in the blue sky to disappear over again”. (2) The 10th line of the Abakan inscription (E-48) is transcribed as (ä)rdämi b(a)r üč(ü)n (a)k(ı)nınta: kü tutup: (a)tka t(ä)gm(i)š b(ä)g(i)m: (ä)siz: (ä)r b(a)šı yıta (a)č(ıg)-a and interpreted as “In consequence of his virtue he achieved reputation in his battle. Alas my beg! What a pity! Commander! Alas! Pity!”. (3) The 14th line of the same Abakan inscription (E-48) is transcribed as y(e)ti urı ogl(u)η(u)zka: bükm(ä)d(ü)k: k(a)η(ı)č(ı)m: (a)lp kuščı (a)bčı tüš(ü)rg(ä)k (ä)rt(i)η(i)z tolkı t(a)š(ı)n b(ä)ηkü tik(ä)r m(ä)n yıta and interpreted as “Daddy who passed away without having enough of his seven sons! You were a brave fowler and a hunter! You were the dexterous hunter! I am erecting the massive stone as beηkü (or I am erecting beηkü with the massive stone)”.

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This study presents some of the most important phonological and grammatical phenomena which show the evolution of Late Latin in the Roman province of Britannia. The investigation is based on a corpus of inscriptions on stone (established by Collingwood and Wright). The Vulgar Latin of Britannia seems not very different from that of other provinces, but the progression of certain changes is slower. The author insists on the different origins of soldiers and colonists who took part in the romanization of the island.

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