The concept of humanitarian intervention evolved as a subset of laws that govern the use of force and now, it occupies an institutional position alongside Security Council authorization and self-defense as a legitimate and legal reason for war. Humanitarian intervention and use of force both are highly controversial yet widely accepted. This paper will evaluate whether humanitarian intervention is legitimate under international law. Humanitarian intervention contradicts the United Nations Charter but state practice developments since the Second World War have made it legitimate under a number of circumstances. Those who have argued for its legitimacy cite international norms and state practice to support the assertion that the provision for military aggression is no longer what is enshrined in the UN Charter. The debate on the legality of humanitarian intervention indicates that it could either be legitimate or illegitimate depending on how one comprehends the construction, changing and representation of international law. It is certain that there are no definite answers to these questions. This uncertainty is now fundamental since the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention is indeterminate. Discussions over this law have not solved this puzzle. It remains legal and illegal at the same time, with recent cases not withstanding depending with the circumstances. This paper evaluates the repercussions of this finding for the sake of the rule of law in world politics. The paper suggests that customary prominence that scholars place on compliance with international law is misplaced. The power of international law from scholars’ point of view comes from its capacity to shape the terrain for balance of political power in international relations rather than differentiating rule followers and rule breakers. International law should be perceived as a resource for state use rather than a fixed standard of evaluating behavior.
The series of adverse shocks of both economic and political character that Europe has suffered since 2008, the last of them coming from the Brexit referendum, revealed numerous institutional gaps and asymmetries in the EU integration architecture. They originate from the voluntary nature of the EU project and the necessity to obtain unanimous approval of all member states to take new integration steps. To increase the resilience of the EU project against current and future shocks, its major institutional gaps and asymmetries should be addressed as quickly as possible. In this paper, we use the theory of fiscal federalism and subsidiarity principle to set the agenda of the EU reform. This includes the identification of areas such as completing the EMU and Schengen projects, foreign, security, and defence policies, environmental and climate change policies where further integration can offer substantial returns to scale and better provisions of global and pan-European public goods. On the other hand, there are also areas such as agriculture policy, products, services and labour standards, and fiscal surveillance rules, where deregulation in favour of market forces could ease business environment and make EU regulations less bureaucratic. Developing integration beyond the traditional economic sphere will also have an impact on the size of the EU budget, balance of power between the EU governing bodies (a bigger role of the European Parliament) and the democratic legitimacy of the EU project.
The first part of the study looks at the historical context of the symbolic and territorial competition between Romanians and Hungarians, dwelling on the issue of Transylvania and the competition for historical legitimacy. It bridges, against this background, the question of Hungarian identity to a concept developed elsewhere as a part of a national minorities doctrine: that of community privacy. Territorial autonomy, currently invoked in several Hungarian projects, represents one possible answer to the need for the community privacy of Hungarians in Romania. Another manifestation of community privacy is cultural autonomy. The study then discusses the provisions of the current draft law on the statute of national minorities in Romania and shows that it has reduced cultural autonomy to its political dimension. This form of reductionism, together with the role granted to organizations of citizens belonging to the national minorities, harms the internal democracy of minority communities. Given the current political and social context, in order to be successful in their promotion of autonomy the relevant actors in the Hungarian community must overcome their differences and agree on a set of minimal goals as an expression of their identity as a community.
The relationship of the three earliest sources (Herodotus, Plato, Xanthus) relating how Gyges came to power is controversial. Their most striking common feature is the motif of Gyges seizing power through getting hold of the queen. The close connection of the queen and power proves to be an Eastern motif, a special Persian interpretation of the
, according to which the royal woman bears the glory representing the sovereign power (χvarәnah-) and providing the ruler with legitimacy. Deriving from the Persian ideology of sovereignty, this motif tends to appear in Herodotus, in Xenophon and in the tradition about Alexander the Great. Therefore, the earliest sources relating this story must originate from the Old Persian short stories. The authenticity of the tale about Aladdin in the One Thousand and One Nights has been questioned several times since it does not have a tradition of codices. However, its parallels with the Gyges stories, particularly the presence of the special Persian interpretation of the
suggest a common Persian source, thus, the tale is likely to be authentic.
According to Cas Mudde, we live in a “populist Zeitgeist”. The paper argues that not just the 21st, but also the 20th century is about populism. In the first section I elaborate the theoretical background of populism, which is claimed to be a never-ending phenomenon: here, various notions of populism are analysed; I investigate the relationship between democracy and populism; and I refer to the biopolitical framework of populism (called biopopulism) as well. This theoretical framework will be used to analyse Communist populism in Hungary. I elaborate the populism of the Horthyera (1920-1944) in the context of Communist populism. Then I analyse the case of Communist populism in Hungary (1948-1989) according to the following aspects: in the context of the working class and the bourgeois elite; the biopolitical character of the regime; goulash Communism as populist legitimacy; and the viewpoint of socialist patriotism. The main aspect of Communist populism is summarized at the end of the third section, and I briefly refer to the afterlife of Communist populism as a nostalgic phenomenon. The regimes analysed in this study aimed to govern the entire life of the citizens, which is why biopopulism is a useful analytical concept. The biopopulist framework shows that the investigation of the historical backgrounds of populism is necessary to understand contemporary populist tendencies.
Authors:Liuba Murauskiene, Milena Pavlova, Marija Veniute and Wim Groot
Patient payments have not been studied systematically in Lithuania. This limits the use of empirical evidence in policy making. More systematic and detailed evidence on the patient payments phenomena in Lithuania are needed to clarify who is seeking and paying for health care services, why, and how. This paper presents the main findings from a quantitative representative population survey on patient payments in Lithuania. The study results confirm the significant scope of the patient payment practices as well as the complexity of the issue. Overall attitudes towards informal cash payments are negative but there is a rather tolerant view on gifts-in-kind. In case of health problems, access to proper (good quality) treatment is crucial. When treatment is needed, Lithuanian patients are ready to pay irrespective of the legitimacy of the payments and despite of the significant financial burden that these payments may cause. Priorities for the quality of care and the protection of vulnerable groups against financial risks are important and should be addressed when discussing the design of patient payment policies in Lithuania. The lack of a transparent political and organizational arrangements and the failure to communicate properly with the general public are the main challenges for future policy.
A Kr. e. II. században megszületik egy olyan ideológia, mely a Római Birodalom létjogosultságát igazolta a meghódítottak előtt. Lényege a következőkben összegezhető: akkor igazságos egy állam uralma más államok felett, hogyha ez a viszony az alávetett állam érdekét is szolgálja, ez pedig akkor lehetséges, hogyha az uralkodó állam kiválóbb, és az alávetetteket jobbá teszi, jobb irányba vezeti, mintha ők önmagukat irányítanák. A tanulmány első részében amellett érvelek, hogy ezt az elméletet Panaitiosnak, a sztoikus filozófia középső korszakában alkotó filozófusnak kell tulajdonítanunk. Ezután azt bizonyítom, hogy a Róma világbirodalommá válását megíró megalopolisi Polybios – aki baráti viszonyban volt Panaitiosszal, és vele gyakran cserélt eszmét államelméleti, politikai kérdésekről – az elméletet ismerte, és a Római Birodalom, valamint a meghódított államok viszonyára alkalmazta is.
The Rhodian Panaetius, the path-breaker exponent of the middle period of Stoic philosophy, developed his theory to justify the legitimacy of the Roman Empire before the conquered people in the second half of the second century B.C. The essence of the conception is the following: the rule of a state over another is righteous, if their relationship also serves the interest of the subject country, and this is possible if the ruling state is superior, and makes the subjugated better, governs it more adequate as if it would rule itself. The historian Polybius, who wrote about Rome’s becoming the most powerful empire of the world, knew Panaetius, they were both friends of Scipio Aemilianus, and we even know that they often discussed political questions. Even so the theory of the Rhodian philosopher does not seem to be present in the fragmentary work of Polybius — at least not coherently propounded. The thorough inquiry shows nevertheless that all substantial elements of the theory can be found in Polybius’ work. Firstly he considers justice as an objective notion (nature instructs us on it), asserts the good to coincide with the expedient, and the real expediency to differ from the seeming one: accordingly he can judge the states from an absolute point of view like the Stoics. Secondly he holds the Romans superior to the other nations with regard to their polity, military abilities and all the virtues. Thirdly he esteems the Roman governance as expedient also for the subjects and therefore worth opting for and praising, because Rome makes the citizens of the subjugated countries more temperate, religious, ingenuous, and brings peace, order and rightfulness to their public life. As the most important elements of Panaetius’ theory occur, we can assess that Polybius saw the relationship of Rome and the subject countries according to the conception of Panaetius.
A mobilitási lehetőségek és igények, valamint az oktatási rendszer funkciói
szorosan összefüggnek. Fontos kérdés, vajon egy-egy képzéstípus kiszolgálja-e
kliensei társadalmi igényeit. A magyar szakképzési rendszer egyre inkább
kettészakad: míg az érettségit nyújtó képzésekben lehetőséget látnak a tanulók
az előrelépésre, addig az érettségit nem adó képzések teljes zsákutcát
jelentenek egy homogén társadalmi rétegnek. Ráadásul, a szakközépiskolák
kliensei pont azokból kerülnek ki, akik számára jelenleg nem körvonalazódik az
iskolai mobilitási csatornán kívül egyéb mobilitási lehetőség. Ilyen
környezetben a lemorzsolódás, a korai iskolaelhagyás és az iskolai reziliencia
vizsgálata kulcskérdés, hiszen ezek az atipikus tanulói magatartások áshatják
alá leginkább egy-egy képzéstípus legitimitását. Jelen tanulmányban az iskolai
reziliencia és a mobilitási szándék összefüggését keressük. Az Országos
kompetenciamérés (OKM) 2016. évi 10. évfolyamos tanulói adatbázisának
felhasználásával háromféle rezilienciaszámítást ismertetek. Azt vizsgálom, hogy
miként alakul a reziliencia mértéke azok között, akik státuszmegőrzési szándékot
vagy felfelé irányuló mobilitási vágyat fogalmaznak meg. Eredményeim szerint a
mobilitási szándék és a reziliencia mértéke összefügg.