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. Economia, Società, Culture XV 1–2]. Pisa–Roma Chilver , G. E. , 1941 : Cisalpine Gaul. Social and Economic History from 49 BC to the Death of Traian . Oxford Degrassi , A. 1972 : Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae . Firenze Dumézil , G

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Empire] . 1. ActaMP 13. Zalău 1989 . IDR III/5 = I. Piso (ed.): Inscriptiones Daciae Romanae, Inscriptions d’Apulum . III/5. 1–2. Paris 2001 . Igna 1935 = N. Igna : Cultul lui Esculap şi al Higiei: cu specială privire la Dacia Superioară

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idealization of parlando rubato thereby became the symbol of something lacking. Kurtág already began to work on the second movement of his op. 25, Három régi felirat [Three old inscriptions] at the time of completing The Sayings. 15 It seems that as far as

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Abenteuerlicher Herrscher oder Gütiger Patron?

Anmerkungen zu der Rittergrabplatte aus dem Zisterzienserkloster Pilis

Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author: E. Benkő

Meanings: thirteenth-century English Cistercian monasteries. Turhout 2001. CIFM 1-22 = Corpus des inscriptions de la France médiévale 1–22. Paris-Poitiers 1974–2002. Coales 1987 = J. Coales

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The presented paper deals with the private life of Romans, as described on Latin funerary inscriptions. It focuses on people of humble origin of the city of Rome, their names, occupations and individual life stories.

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The importance of inscriptional material in the study of Vulgar Latin and Romance linguistics is well known. This is true in the case of Sardinia, too: the history and the chronology of some phonetic developments of the Sardinian language (e.g., Lat. qu, gu ≯ b (b); the prosthesis of i- before s- + consonant) can be better explained with the help of Latin inscriptional sources discovered in the island.

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In this paper the author studies the relationship of Christian communities in Pannonia. On the basis of literary (esp. Victorinus of Poetovio) and epigraphical sources it can be stated that the first communities were of Greek origin. The knowledge of Greek can be pointed out in Latin inscriptions as well. Especially the case of Sirmium was studied. In the present paper the author reinterpreted a Greek and a Latin inscription from Sirmium and Savaria as Christians.

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The numerous stone inscriptions found lately in South Siberia, Central Asia and Eastern Europe have drawn the attention of students of Old Turkic literary culture to the question of how the Old Turkic monuments of the Orkhon and Yenisei type are related to the so-called 'runiform' inscriptions. This problem overshadows even the debate on the origins of the Old Turkic runic script, as many of the new materials, at least those found in South Siberia and Central Asia, obviously predate the runic texts hitherto known and subjected to ethno-historical analyses. In a similar fashion, serious corrections in terms of genesis, paleography and dating, can be made to previous studies, even to those that deal with well-studied variants of Turkic runic script. The problem is further complicated by the fact that the runic inscriptions spread all over Eurasia lack any convincing interpretation, and their deciphering is also at a very preliminary stage.

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The intent of this paper is to present some considerations on the language of the inscriptions found in Scythia Minor, a region located on the northeast side of Moesia Inferior, in the area between Callatis and Noviodonum. The analysis is based on the Greek and Latin epigraphs collected in the four volumes of the Inscriptiones Daciae et Scythiae Minoris antiquae edited by Pippidi-Russu. The examination of the Greek epigraphs reveals a substantial stability of the language, which results from the clear Greek background of the territory. Apart from the older inscriptions of Callatis (a colony of Megara), which typically display dorian features, the great bulk of the Greek texts are characterised by very common phenomena of the koiné . On the other side, the Latin documents show a high frequency of substandard variations in the morphological and syntactical domain (as compared to the other eastern provinces), a situation which seems to reflect a poor linguistic competence of the speakers.

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Our epigraphic terminology usually applies the name of cursive script to every kind of scratched inscriptions, although they were written in significantly different styles. Apart from the strange terminology, the major problems in the palaeography of Roman scratches are those of datation, and of the question: whom are those inscriptions to be connected with? The writing manner which might be called really cursive appears mostly on bricks and the tabulae ceratae; partially cursive texts occur 1) in the handwriting of more skilled writers, 2) in the writing of some special letters, most of all ‖, 3) when copying cursive scripts. It is the reason why functionally illiterate stone-cutters produce ununderstandable inscriptions, misinterpretating the cursive models. With some care, such misinterpretations can be explained and thus the meaningless texts reconstructed.

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