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tapolcai járás [Bezirk Keszthely, Tapolca]. Budapest 1966. MRT 5 = Magyarország régészeti topográfiája [Archäologische Topographie von Ungarn] 5.: I. Torm a (Hrsg.): Komárom megye régészeti topográfiája: Esztergom és a dorogi

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. 2015: Csontváry utazása, Esztergom nagy mutéte. Jelenkor LVIII ( 2015 . július–augusztus) 7–8 . 837 – 844 . Marosi 2016 Marosi Erno

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Arányi L. 1881 A pilisi járásban föllelt nevezetes régiségek lajstroma. ArchÉrt 1, XX–XXVII. Balogh A. 1934 Néhány adat Esztergom városának és vármegyének római korából. Esztergom Évlapjai 7, 41

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-Basaharc). DRK, 5–10. 1991 Large mammal remains from the Upper Paleolithic site at Esztergom-Gyurgyalag. ActaArchHung XLIII, 261–264. 2000 Macro-mammal remains on Hungarian Upper Pleistocene sites. In: V. Dobosi (ed.): Bodrogkeresztúr-Henye (NE-Hungary). Upper

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életét bemutató kályha Esztergomból, a XVI . század végéről (Ofen mit Darstellungen des Lebens Jesu aus der Burg von Esztergom/Gran vom Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts) . ArchÉrt 138 ( 2013 ) 345 – 366 . K olláth 2010–2013 Á. K olláth . : 16

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-33): Prodromus Florae Peninsulae Balcanicae . - Berlin. Prodromus Florae Peninsulae Balcanicae Feichtinger, S. (1899): Esztergom megye és

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Abstract

The dating and art historical evaluation of the surviving relief ornaments of the portal of St Elizabeth's parish church in Kassa – all statues in the round being lost – are unsettled, although the building history of the church itself has been clarified. Since the interwar period the style of the reliefs was tentatively traced to the (Swabian or Bohemian) Parler sculpture, while the idiosyncratic features of the reliefs were usually ignored. Notably, the reliefs have a coarsely realistic trait which was described by Jindra Bakosová in 1982 as a local precedent to Jakob Kaschauer's art, that is, the appearance of a progressive style. This, in turn, must obviously be associated with a later date. In his article on the wooden reliefs of Christ's Passion in the Christian Museum in Esztergom published in Hungarian, in which he alleged to find their stylistic relatives in the Zwettl altarpiece in the Österreichische Galerie, young Ernst Gombrich also briefly referred to the Kassa reliefs. In the meantime, in the Hungarian art historical literature Jakob Kaschauer became an important figure of the Multscher generation rooted in the local tradition. Gombrich's theses found their way into the literature of the Znaim altarpiece when they had been translated in 1988, but his remark on the Kassa reliefs went unnoticed. In 1988 it was Robert Suckale who devoted particular attention to the realism concept of the Znaim altarpiece. Similarly to him, the present author also tends to name coarseness as the main characteristic of the Kassa reliefs, but the group of stocky figures is evidently free from Franco-Flemish influence. So it seems that similarly to the architecture of the Kassa church, the precedents to its sculptural ornamentation may also be traced to the building lodge (Bauhütte) of St Stephen's cathedral in Vienna who also mediated Parler's motifs. To be taken into account are the little known decoration of the Primglöckleintor of the Vienna cathedral, and first of all the so-called “Tutzsäule” of 1381 in Klosterneuburg. The functional relations of the relief cycle are the more important as this modus can also be encountered on the west portal of the Franciscan church in Kassa.

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Abstract

The paper attempts to interpret a so-far unpublished engraving without signature or date, and to identify the circumstances and date of its creation. The starting clues for the interpretation are two well-known heraldic motifs: the coat of arms of the Hungarian Kingdom and that of the Austrian line of the Habsburg dynasty. The former is held by an allegorical female figure — the personification of Hungaria, the latter is kept by a young ruler wearing a crown, on the right and left of the composition respectively. The essential message of the composition also emphasized by other motifs is obvious: the “meeting”, interdependence, mutually useful collaboration of the regnum and the dynasty is the principal theme. Beyond this general idea, however, the composition has more concrete implications. It wishes to indicate the precedents, historical causes of this advantageous and beneficial concord and cooperation as well as the valid and worthwhile future perspectives from the vantage point of the time of creation.

This context lends special appeal and importance to the question who — whose ideal portrait — can be identified with the crowned male figure carrying the Habsburg arms. It must be someone who in the clearly hungaricus context is entitled to embody the competence, aptitude and resoluteness of the Habsburg rulers. The answer will be obvious if we consider where the Habsburgs' long and often manifested aspiration for the acquisition or preservation of the Hungarian throne comes from. To be more precise: if we name the ruler of the Habsburg dynasty who, by the grace of God (Dei gratia) and by the will of the estate, firstly became the king of Hungary.

The successor to Sigismund of Luxemburg, Albert I of Habsburg — the person we were looking for — had a short reign, but his figure was remembered with acknowledgement and respect by posterity. The bicentenary of his accession to the throne (1 January 1438) was celebrated by several commemorative events at the time of the diet sitting in Pozsony in 1637—38. Great emphasis was laid on the anniversary in the political publications of the period as well, particularly in the Latin works whose publication was promoted by the bishop of Eger — later archbishop of Esztergom — György Lippay. The engraving presented in the paper was made for one of these publications as a frontispiece. Consequently, it might have been ordered by György Lippay, which is also proven by the dedication to him in Latin and the coat of arms of the bishop in the middle of the engraving.

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A tanulmány a történeti épületek tudományos kutatásának lehetőségeit és forrásait vizsgálja nyolc kiválasztott, jobban ismert magyarországi késő középkori királyi, főpapi és főúri rezidencia — a budai várpalota, a diósgyőri és az esztergomi vár, a visegrádi palota, a simontornyai vár, a nyéki királyi villák, valamint az ozorai és gyulai várak — példáján. Az utóbbi évtizedek mindezekről megjelent közleményei alapján tárgyalja az egykorú metszetek, az írott emlékanyag, a ránk maradt építészeti részletek, ezen belül a faragott kőszerkezetek, továbbá az analógiák, a feltételezett előképek és az előzetes hipotézisek problémáját. Különösen fontosnak tartja a régészeti ásatások mellett a beható falvizsgálatoknak és azok értelmező dokumentálásának a kérdését. Nem kívánja kétségbe vonni a középkori épületek kutatása során a hipotézisek, az értelmezési-rekonstruktív változatok és kísérletek szabadságát, de alapkövetelménynek tekinti a megmaradt részletek beható dokumentálását és széles körű figyelembevételét, a felhasznált forrásanyag és az alkalmazott módszerek alapos bemutatását. A szerző úgy véli, csak az ellenőrzés lehetőségének biztosítása esetében beszélhetünk tudományos igényű épületkutatásról. Csak így igazolhatjuk a változó építészeti divat vagy a társadalom igényeit kielégítő „műemlékkezelési” eljárások — így többek között napjaink kiépítési törekvései — jogos vagy épp megalapozatlan voltát.

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: Mitteleuropäische Eichenchronologie. Trierer dendrochronologische Forschungen zur Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte . Mainz 1980 . Horváth 2015 = I. Horváth : Az esztergomi Várhegy régészeti kutatása, 1966–1999 (Archaeological researches on Esztergom’s Castle

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