A land grant issued by Raṇasiṃhadeva of the Candrāvatī branch of the Paramāra dynasty in North-West India has recently come to my attention. It contains a genealogy of the Candrāvatī line from Utpalarāja to Raṇasiṃha. This ruler was hitherto known only from one published inscription (the Roheญā plates), and has been thought to be a usurper who briefly snatched the throne from the legitimate ruler Dhārāvarṣa. The grant, dated 1 November 1161 CE, makes no mention of Dhārāvarṣa, calling for a reinterpretation of some ambiguous lines of the Roheญā inscription. It is a possibility that Raṇasiṃha was not a usurper, but ruled as a regent during Dhārāvarṣa’s minority and then willingly handed the throne over to him.
In my paper I scrutinize the vocabulary of the famous epitaph CLE 558, cut on the front side of a sarcophagus, found near Aquincum of Pannonia in 1868. The Latin text of the epitaph consists of 7 lines; in the first 5 lines the deceased woman, Veturia talks to the passers-by; the last two lines inform the reader that Fortunatus set up the sarcophagus to his wife. In the text of the inscription the woman professes to be unicuba uniiuga. The text of the inscription is written in hexameter. Some scholars say that the versification of the poem is incorrect because its author did not know the prosody. In my opinion the author did not want to write correct hexameters; his aim was to put the words unicuba uniiuga in the middle. The sarcophagus dates back to the 2th century AD.
The sanctuary of Apollon mentioned in the letter of Gadata is not to be sought in Magnesia on Meander but in the town of Tralleis/Tralles. Tralleis was located in the territory of the satrapy Caria whose capital was Magnesia in the age of Dareios. Therefore it is understandable that it was the satrap of Caria who must remedy the abuse which hurted the interests of the priest of Apollon. The inscription containing the letter of Gadata can be a later copy of a Greek original text because its language and orthography has some characterics of the prehellenistic age. This inscription could be seen by Xenophon who probably here has got the idee of naming Gadatas one of the eunuchs in his Oikonomika. Plutarch informs us that the memory of the Persian wars was living in Magnesia in the age of Hadrian, too. It seems that the Roman emperor has visited Tralleis personally.
In his paper the author examines the written and epigraphic sources on Caracalla’s visit to Pannonia. Despite the earlier hypothesizes the visit must bed dated to the autumn of 213 because the emperor stayed at the end of December in Nicomedia. As the Alamannic war ended only in September and his route to the East Caracalla could spend a very short time in Pannonia, i. e. he travelled only through the province that is why the written sources hardly mentions this visit. Most of the inscriptions mentioning the emperor from this period has nothing to with this visit. Based on a Greek inscription from Ephesus the emperor had to stop only in Sirmium most probably because of the Dacian problems. He had no time to visit Dacia either. A Barbarian attack into Pannonia under his reign must be ruled out.
Three sixteenth-century inscribed Bohemian chalices are known from the Carpathian Basin: one is from Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca, RO) and the other two are from the western Hungarian villages of Csönge and Egyházashetye. These objects have appeared numerous times in exhibitions and catalogues since the end of the nineteenth century, but their origin and history were never investigated. Aside from a description of the inscription and the stylistic features of the decoration, only the remarks ‘Slav inscription’ or ‘Hussite’ referred to the historical context. This study is an attempt to rectify this omission by uncovering the identity of the patrons, ascertaining how and when the chalices arrived in the Carpathian Basin, and establishing the circumstances in which the objects were acquired by new owners.
The Christian Museum in Esztergom preserves an epitaph depicting the Death of the Virgin Mary. The panel painting, dated by its inscription to 1498, was ordered by Stephan Geinperger, then burgher of Wiener Neustadt, for his deceased wife, Dorothea Gerolt. The donor’s name was for a long time misread as “Heinperger”, thus hindering his identification. The correct transcription made it possible to reveal information about the person of the donor and detect his family and their kinship network in the contemporary written documents. Based on the inscription and the archival material in Wiener Neustadt, Knittelfeld, Nuremberg, Passau and other related towns, the lives of Geinperger and his wife could be reconstructed and a stepfamily could be identified. In addition, the original placement of the epitaph was determined as was the social topography of the related families in Wiener Neustadt, including their economic and social importance. Moreover, art historical analysis placed the painting in the artistic milieu of the wider region.
The line from Bonfini's Decades used as a motto emphasizes the triumphal meaning of using marble, bronze and inscription together. For using red marble (replacing porphyry) there had been a tradition in Hungary since the late 12th century, when the Porta speciosa of the Esztergom Cathedral was built. The Bakócz Chapel of the same cathedral stands, as for the red marble, in the same tradition, but its inscription, executed in inlayed capital letters in guilt bronze, corresponds to another tradition too. Bronze letters represent a tradition of Antiquity which was kept by early (Salerno, San Vincenzo in Volturno, Corvey) and later (Bari, St-Denis, Westminster Abbey) mediaeval monuments, mainly in Italy. This tradition in Italy seems to have been the main source for the epigraphic style of the Esztergom Chapel.
To postulate a poetic of desire is to invoke the comportments of difference. The call for difference breeds inevitably a radical
encounter with failure. The multiplex problematic of text as posture sires repercussions in Huysmans’s A rebours. The novel is sustained by a series of tropes rescinded as the non-figurability of otherness calls for inscription by proxy.
The pleasure of the text resides in the de-signifying power of representation.
The Hungarian king Hunyadi Mátyás is known as Matthias Corvinus today. The name ‘Corvinus’ was created for him by the Italian Humanists, along with a fictitious descendancy from the Roman era. This name, however, only appeared in the playground of Art, in panegyrics, in inscriptions of buildings or miniatures. Nevertheless, the appointed successor of the King, his natural son, Johannes Corvinus has been officially using the name ‘Corvinus’.
Authors:László Takács, Tibor Grüll, Tamás Adamik and Erzsébet Kiss
Anneo Cornuto: Compendio di Teologia Greca. (Testo greco a fronte.) Saggio introduttivo e integrativo, traduzione e apparati di Ilaria Ramelli. Milano 2003.; Commentum Cornuti in Persium. Recognoverunt et adnotatione critica instruxerunt W. V. Clausen et J. E. G. Zetzel. Monachii et Lipsiae in aedibus K. G. Saur, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana MMIV.; David Noy-Alexander Panayotov-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. I. Eastern Europe. (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 101.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; David Noy-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. III. Syria und Cyprus. (TSAJ 102.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; Walter Ameling: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. Bd. II. Kleinasien. (TSAJ 99.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004. Edward Champlin: Nero. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) - London (England) 2003.; Pesthy Monika: A csábítás teológiája. A kísértés fogalmának története az ókorban. Kairosz Kiadó, Budapest 2005.; Szakrális képzőművészet a keresztény ókorban I-II. Összeállította, fordította, a jegyzeteket és a bevezető tanulmányt írta Bugár M. István. Catena, a Pécsi Tudományegyetem Patrisztika Központja, a Paulus Hungarus és a Kairosz Kiadó közös sorozata. Budapest 2004.