While the Anabaptist movement was still fluid in the early 1520s, it soon crystallized into factions with sharp differences. Although the Moravian Anabaptists never succeeded in creating common doctrines and practices, the Central and East European experience was not merely a marginal part of the great Anabaptist story. Out of these divergent tendencies grew a strong sect that survived exile through a radical social experiment. Hutterite colonies, settled in a hostile environment, flourished for a long period while other sects disappeared within a few years. The factors that determined the advance and survival of the Hutterites point beyond religious motives. This social experiment was dependent on the integrated social structure enabling them to cope with an aggressive environment without assimilating. Various epochs of the Hutterite history show that communal life was never a uniform and perfect experience, but variants of the structure persisted in the colonies as they evolved in their local circumstances.
A new Catholic aristocracy of the Thirty Years War initiated the rise of new local cultural centres possessing strong political and economic autonomy, which reflected the absolutist status of their rulers. The foreign noble soldiers formed an entirely new group of donators at this time. The traditional Bohemian nobility was active in administrative offices and focused on building spectacular city palaces in political centres [Vienna, Prague]. The officers of the Imperial army created private local residences as centres of their small regional domain, often situated in the border zone of the country. Research has not yet paid much attention to the patronage of these war conquistadors, with the exceptions of the generals Albrecht of Wallenstein and Rombaldo Collalto. Wallenstein's officers and his army rivals brought to Bohemia not just an aggressive policy but also proto-Baroque style in architecture and a new cultural orientation.
This paper investigates cases in which people who are perceived to have violated a major communal and/or social norm are humiliated in public in a ritual way. As a case study we examine online videos drawn from the Chinese videosharing site Youku. Humiliation as a form of punishment has been thoroughly studied in sociology (see e.g., the seminal work of Foucault 1977). This interest is not coincidental, considering that studying humiliation may provide insight into the operation of shame as a punitive phenomenon, as well as the role of publicity and complex participation structures when shame is inflicted on others. Yet, punitive humiliation has been understudied in pragmatics; in particular, little research has been done on cases in which it is not an institutionally/socially ratified person (e.g., a judge) but the members of the public who inflict humilation. The study of this phenomenon contributes to the present Special Issue as it demonstrates that pragmatics provides a powerful tool to model the dynamics of (language) behaviour such as humiliation that might be difficult to capture by using more conventional linguistic approaches. We demonstrate that while ritual public communal humiliation tends to be highly aggressive, it also shows noteworthy recurrent (meta)pragmatic similarities with institutionalised forms of punishment.
At the heart of Carl Dahlhaus’s historiographic interests, according to James Hepokoski, was an “effort to keep the Austro-German canon from Beethoven to Schoenberg free from aggressively sociopolitical interpretations.” But Dahlhaus did not stop at Schoenberg: he also wrote about postwar music, and one might therefore wonder whether his “Austro-German canon” of autonomous music extended past 1945. In his essays on this period, Dahlhaus claimed that the postwar musical avant-garde was defined by the concept of the experiment, a concept that was, he believed, “nothing less than the fundamental aesthetic paradigm of serial and post-serial music.” He maintained this view from the 1960s through the 1980s, and thereby placed the concept of the experiment at the center of his historiography of postwar music. My paper shows that the concept of the experiment, as defined by Dahlhaus, has a uniquely German pedigree, one that is not at odds with his wider historiographic interests. By making the concept of the experiment central to his account of postwar music, Dahlhaus was thereby able to extend his historiography beyond the canon that ran from Beethoven to Schoenberg and include also later composers. In so doing, he lent the supposedly “international” postwar avant-garde a character that seems specifically German.
The essay examines the popular Hungarian weekly women’s magazine Nők Lapja through the Sixties socialist consumption and the culture of objects and the discourse concerning the image of the socialist woman, not from the perspective of economics or the history of consumption, but from the point of view of cultural history. It focuses on the change of strategy during the Cold War, which from the side of the West signified the use of soft power, while in the East it implied the modification of socialist modernization, in so far as emphasis was shifted from aggressive armament and the conquest of space to everyday prosperity and consumption. The narrower segment under examination is the project in the Sixties that addressed the modernization of the kitchen and the woman of the house, a project which extended to the manufacturing of household appliances aimed at facilitating domestic chores faced by women who also had full time jobs, the introduction of a network of self-service businesses, the expansion of the use of canned food, as well as hygiene, environmental culture and the cultivation of taste. According to the imagery and the texts found in publications of the time, posters and women’s magazines, it was not socialist modernism and the official policy of emancipation that confronted the inherited mentality of the masses as a hindering factor, although this is what contemporary official discourse attempted to imply. This mode of discourse, the style in which the modernization of the household and the housewife and the expansion of consumption was communicated through pictures, advertisements and objects conserved old patriarchal topoi in opposition to the official political discourse of emancipation.
The several decades of totalitarian aggressive atheism have drastically changed the folk religion. In new political conditions this legacy remains very important, because it develops some typical features of contemporary religion–politics interrelation.
diligently learnt the passage, he joined the other children in play. When his father saw him playing rather than studying, he brought the child into their house and beat him so aggressively that he fainted and may have died if his mother had not intervened
It is a well known fact that the system of the official communication of the Roman Empire had undergone a striking change after Diocletian’s accession (284): Latin came into prominence and was used exclusively in the Eastern imperial administration where Greek had played an important role before Diocletian. So far this prominence of Latin has commonly been interpreted as an effect of a radical change in the language policy of the Roman state, claiming that Diocletian and Constantine I had introduced a new intolerant and aggressive language policy in the framework of the rehabilitation of the Roman Empire. In my paper I try to demonstrate that this alleged aggressive language policy never existed and that the prominence of Latin in the Eastern part of the Empire spontaneously resulted from the bureaucratic and governmental transformation of the Roman Empire that significantly increased the prestige of the Latin language.
Words like aggression, violence, and violent actions usually carry destructive meanings. People tend to forget their constructive culturally determined meanings. In spite of this, it can be argued that aggressive feelings, hatred, anger, verbal aggression, threatening behaviour, assault, inflicting pain, injuring or ritual killing of men, or the fighting of war are all part of our lives as much as feasts and rituals that bind communities together, or the command to love of different religious ideologies. In the 16th century there was a definitive turn in judging the body in public. It meant that public attention gradually turned from the corpse of Christ to the bodies of the thieves. The two thieves were brought down from their crosses, laid out on the dissecting table, or their bodies were torn apart during fights. Evil-doers became part of scientific cognition. The antisocial public enemy became a hero of the community in the popular literature and historic stories. The conserved and stuffed bodies of robbers and killers were displayed in the first museums of the Early Modern Age, as a main attraction. Rebels were cut into pieces as part of a baroque play on the killing floor to display the parts in buildings of the town. The body of the everyday killer became a spectacle, and the interest in the mind of the solitary killer developed medical thinking on the human spirit.
During the analysis of the protagonist's (namely, Sharik's and Sharikov's) way of speaking in Bulgakov's story Heart of a Dog, an abrupt contrast or even a complete oppositeness of the constituents becomes apparent. In its turn, this provides the base and evidence for this ultimate oppositeness of the protagonists in the story in general. Sharikov's speech is mainly characterized by the following features: 1) absence of skills of monological speech manifested by the violation of norms of constructing sentences and by the tendency towards using short and concise sentences, 2) violation of lexical and grammatical norms, 3) abundance in colloquialisms, 4) frequency of generalized and demagogic constructions, 5) presence of officialese and ideological clichés. It is Sharikov's speech and his way of speaking that enables the reader to make conclusions about his figure in general, and determine the most important characteristic features of his inner self which are as follows: 1) low cultural level, 2) aggressiveness and growing confidence in his own right, 3) belonging to the layer of uneducated, uncivilized and often declassed people.