concentration in the eastern Mediterranean, they are also widely attested in the empire’s western half. Most of these pendants were made of opaque glass, with the occasional translucent piece, and they were decorated with coloured trails, usually yellow, white
In post socialist countries that now form the eastern member states of the European Union there was a general vision of the society from the early nineties to catch up to the developed West. The dream of reaching the level of western European economic development and living standards was the main driver for economic transition and EU integration. In spite of modest convergence, however, the difference between the West and the East has remained dominant until today, ten years after the EU accession, while the core—periphery duality is also an important economic-geographic dimension in the European single market. The changing relative position of these regions in economic terms and the interrelation between the East and West of the EU is in the focus of this paper. It addresses some specifics of regional economic development of this area and particularly of Hungary at both macroregional and regional levels paying attention to the economic crisis which started in 2007. In most of the eastern bloc, economic transition and EU integration were associated with several challenges and followed by imbalanced regional development as a result of the dominant role of the foreign direct investments in regional development, which led to the territorial concentration and increase of regional inequalities among regions within these countries.
The present study started out by posing the question: what reasons might lead to the success of Hungarian intellectuals who were schooled in Hungary and who later emigrated to the West. From among the possible answers, we examined one: education and reading culture in Hungary was more complex in a given period than in Western Europe. We consider whether or not this answer is persuasive.
Based on the results provided by basic research in reading history in Hungary in the early modern period, one can safely say that the culture of experts in Hungary was more heterogeneous, and these experts constantly revisited traditional sources and kept them alive. On the other hand, in terms of the depth of professional knowledge and the level of concentration on a given field they were lagging behind their contemporary colleagues in Western Europe. This situation produced a dual eff ect: experts in Hungary had a stronger sense of tradition and they looked for transitional solutions due to the lack of the latest technical development and literature. Out of the Hungarian context, however, they produced outstanding achievements thanks to the more heterogeneous nature of their expertise.
The paper reviews the role of Noam Chomsky in the conceptual changes in modern psychology that are described by many as the cognitive revolution. Several aspects of the work of Chomsky are identified as key elements in the changes regarding the human mind, and the determinants of human nature. The mentalism of Chomsky resulted in the general spread of theory theories about human development, where the human mind is interpreted as a theory-using open, creative system. The peculiarities of sequential behavioral organization and later the sequential interface issues as well as the concentration on (syntactic) pure form were important inspirations for several general theories of human cognition. Chomsky, with his differentiation between competence and performance, opened the road along with David Marr to multilayered computational theories of the mind. While the innatist commitments of Chomsky regarding human development created many fruitful controversies during half a century, they also tied the underdetermined nature of human language with the philosophical issues of freedom. Language with its innate recursive system is a basic factor of human freedom. Freedom is connected to a rational image of humanity.
Through conflicts of opinions inside the Bratislava Jewish religious community, the author monitors changed relations toward Judaism after the Holocaust.
The current form of the community was due to Regulation 231-1945 concerning “the arrangement of the conditions of the Jewish faith members in Slovakia”. This resulted in religious, economic, and organizational centralization.
After the 1968 occupation, those who stayed behind in Bratislava concluded that due to the emigration of the young and middle generations, the community lost its future and under the newly established conditions it was losing its past too. The Velvet revolution helped to overcome passivity existing until then. An informal gathering called Jewish forum helped to build and revive the Jewish identity. The status of the present-day Judaism can be illustrated by the fact that 36.6 percent of funerals in the course of 2001–2013 were done by cremation prohibited in Orthodox Judaism. It has been a manifestation of solidarity with the “burials” of those killed in concentration camps; but it is also a kind of revolt against God who did not prevent the Shoa.
Today both individuals and families create their own model based on the traditions that they choose for themselves. Practicing such customs does not follow from Judaism, but it is an expression of one’s affiliation with the community and its traditions.
Authors:Bernadett Bajnóczi, Zoltán May, Anna Ridovics, Máté Szabó, Géza Nagy, and Mária Tóth
The Hutterites and Habans produced coloured-glazed, mostly blue- and yellow-coloured vessels alongside their white-glazed faience ware. However, the production technology of the coloured-glazed vessels, specifically the nature of the glaze, is a matter of debate among scholars. Both coloured tin glaze and coloured engobe covered with a transparent lead glaze were thought to have been applied on the ceramics.
Around 140 objects of blue-glazed Hutterite and Haban museum objects and archaeological artefacts were analysed using a handheld XRF spectrometer. In addition, small fragments of selected ceramics were studied by electron microprobe analysis (EMPA).
According to the XRF measurements the blue glaze of all except one of the studied Hutterite and Haban ceramics contains tin in variable amounts (from about 0.015 wt% up to 13 wt%). The EMPA technique showed that tin in the form of tin oxide opacifier was deliberately added to the single-layered alkali– lead or lead–alkali glaze. These data confirm that the tin glaze technique was used during production of blue-glazed ceramics, and in this respect they can be regarded as faience. The blue glaze of the Haban vessels produced by a “mining town” workshop contains tin in very low concentrations (Sn <0.2 wt% by XRF), therefore the opacity of the glaze is mainly caused by the abundant silica and arsenate particles.
The paper describes the structure of the local space of the Croatian villages of Chunovo and Jarovce, and the Slovak (earlier predominantly Hungarian-German) village Rusovce (Southern Slovakia, the region of Bratislava) in the form in which it conceptualities in the minds of local residents. The material was oral records on the results of the field survey of villages in May 2018. It is noted that the specificity of the structuring of local space in the villages was influenced by their complex geographical and sociohistorical peculiarities since the villages are located within the capital of Slovakia and at the same time they became part of the state only after 1947.
It is shown that each of the three villages is characterized by orientation to a certain type of space which is significantly transformed with the passage of time. Thus, in Chunovo, which is located closer to the Hungarian border, the mythological and sacred space is supported. The natural space in the village is closely intertwined with the mythological, and the domestic is subordinated to the sacred, while the historical space does not play any significant role.
Rusovce, located five kilometres towards the capital, is a completely different type of spatial organization, a significant imprint on Rusovce was imposed by the deportation of indigenous people after the Second World War. The disintegration of the ethno-cultural tradition is perceived by the remaining indigenous people as a traumatic experience. Sacred space in Rusovce is the subject of the opposition “real (old)” and “fake (modern)”. Domestic space is characterized by the deprivation of former buildings from their household functions, while they are turning into symbols of the past.
The transformation of the village takes place not on the principle of expanding its borders but on the principle of concentration, filling the old coordinates with new objects. Natural space bears traces of human intervention and is associated with the consequences of the territory's accession. In the structuring of the mental map of the old residents of Rusovce, the opposition “real” and “false” plays a significant role. The false, artificial, is associated with modernity, and the signs of the present remain within the village but either lose their direct function or are “lost” as a result of the concentration of the village space by objects which are similar in form and but foreign in origin.
The village of Jarovce, which is the closest to Bratislava, is dominated by a focus on specific historical events and on the functional relevance of the locus. The sacred space in the village is subordinated to the historical, and the domestic, in turn, is subordinated to the sacred, the dominants of which structure the village and at the same time are clearly associated with specific events in the relatively distant past. Mythological space in Jarovce is almost not structured but natural topos serves for orientation about weather events or specific localities.
that had previously partaken in a military exercise in the area.” 25 DISTRIBUTION OF SITES IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN A closer look at the distribution of sites reveals certain concentrations even within one or another region ( ). The cemeteries yielding a
seems to receive strong attention in the surviving charm corpus of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He can be identified in at least a dozen charm instances, a larger concentration than that of either St. Patrick or St. Bridget. A lateeighteenth