Although it is primarily through Tacitus’ narration of the event that we are able to reconstruct the Pisonian conspiracy, the particular details of the plot can be partially completed from other sources of information. In that regard, relatively little time has been devoted to Plutarch’s account — found in his essay De garrulitate — of the discovery of the Pisonian plot. The account to some extent poses a problem, as it does not explicitly specify which conspiracy it refers to. In addition, the account is in the form of a moral essay; most importantly, it proffers a version of the events of AD 65 (when the plot was disclosed) that is totally different from that of Tacitus. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is at least partially to incorporate Plutarch’s report into the whole, rather foggy portrayal of the Pisonian conspiracy, and simultaneously to point to the fact that Plutarch’s report may not be an alternative to Tacitus’ one, but rather a complement of it. The author strives to evaluate the various literary and historical elements of the report, as well as its possible sources, and following the knowledge obtained, to assess its informative value within the broader context of the entire conspiracy.
In my paper I analyse the narrative of Livy about the Bacchanalia conspiracy. Our author, who is short with some events, dedicates twelve long chapters to this happening, that is, he regards it as important. In his report we can establish more different sources: the accounts of earlier historians, the decree of the senat (Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus) and rumours. In spite of his loyalty to the traditional Roman religion, his decription is reliable.
Dolgozatomban Livius beszámolóját elemzem a Kr. e. 186-ban leleplezett és elfojtott Bacchanalia-összeesküvésről. Figyelmemet e téma iránt Livius leírásának terjedelmessége és mindenre kiterjedô részletessége keltette fel. Az a Livius, aki véres csatákat pár oldalon elintéz, a Bacchanalia-botránynak 12 hosszú fejezetet szentel mintegy 12 oldal terjedelemben. Az a Livius, akiről azt állítják a kutatók, hogy egy-egy esemény leírásakor általában egy-egy forrást követ, és a feliratokat másodkézbôl ismeri, itt bizonyíthatóan több forrásból építkezik, és egy fontos dokumentumra, a Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus-ra hivatkozik, idéz belőle, s a véletlen szerencse folytán előkerült e rendelet egy bronzba vésett példánya. Így kiderült, hogy Livius nem vaktában beszél, hanem olykor szó szerint idéz, olykor az eredeti megbízható parafrázisát adja. E részlet elemzése nemcsak arra ad választ, hogyan viszonyult ő, a történetíró a valláshoz, hanem arra is, hogyan viszonyult hozzá a római állam e botrány idején, Kr. e. 186-ban, s hogyan a 39. könyv írásakor, a Kr. e. tízes években.
spread a lot of invalid information ( Del Vicario et al. 2016 ). Facebook, Twitter, and online newspapers have been identified as the best platforms for spreading, but also monitoring misinformation and dispelling rumors, stigma, and conspiracy theories
The NAA of the bullets and fragments from the JFK assassination not only demonstrated that U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Texas Governor John B. Connally were hit by two and only two bullets, both from Lee Harvey Oswald's rifle, but offered a considerable number of extended benefits for understanding the assassination as well. The NAA eliminated all conspiracy theories that involved additional shooters or planted bullets. The NAA proved that none of the fragments were planted, that the rifle was fired that day (not planted), and that the locations of Kennedy's head wounds and back wound were not needed in order to get the right answer for the assassination. It supported the single-bullet theory and thus helped to provide the best-documented shooting scenario to date. It knits together the core physical evidence into an airtight case against Lee Oswald. It is, thus, the key to resolving the major controversies in the JFK assassination and putting the matter to rest.
Between 24 July and 26 October 2008 a large exhibition was held in the British Museum in London with the title Hadrian: Empire and Conflict . It was the exhibition to give us the idea of reflecting on how Hadrian was adopted by Trajan. Trajan’s wife the Empress Plotina backed Hadrian’s career in every respect. Referring to Hadrian it is more appropriate to use the word adrogatio . The present study draws attention to the word vesticeps as used in Gellius’ work. (Gellius, Noctes Atticae 5. 19). Starting from the etymology of the word it can be claimed that adrogatio could only happen after putting on the toga virilis . It was one of the conditions of adrogatio that the adrogator had to be at least 60 years old. Trajan reached that age in 113, so the adoption could not happen before that. Hadrian had been considered to be Trajan’s successor since he became a legatus in Syria, so the takeover of power was not a result of court conspiracy.
In the years following World War II, Ernő Dohnányi was falsely accused of being a war criminal. Although scholars have assumed that this smear campaign was the result of a conspiracy by the entire Hungarian musical community, this widely accepted belief overlooks a number of prominent Hungarian musicians who consistently came to Dohnányi’s defense. In 1945, Zoltán Kodály led a delegation of musicians from the Franz Liszt Academy of Music who convinced the Hungarian Minister of Justice to remove Dohnányi’s name from an unofficial list of war criminals. In the following year, Kodály and Ede Zathureczky, who had succeeded Dohnányi as the Director General of the Liszt Academy, wrote letters to the US military government in support of Dohnányi’s rehabilitation. Finally, in 1949, Zathureczky obtained confirmation from the Ministry of Justice that the investigation of Dohnányi had been terminated—a message that Kodály himself communicated to Dohnányi. Drawing on documents from the Liszt Academy archives and the Dohnányi estate, this article chronicles the previously unknown Hungarian defense of Ernő Dohnányi.
In Old English, as in modern Dutch and German, there were a series of prefixes which were unstressed and phonologically constrained; some of them, because they determined the word-class of the derivatives they formed, were typologically unusual. If we trace these prefixes through into modern English, we find that they have lost ground. Partly they have been replaced by corresponding learned prefixes, partly they have simply become marginalised in the system of English. At the same time, if we look at those prefix-like items which are most productive today, we see that they carry their own stress, are phonologically unconstrained, and many of them are semantically much more lexeme-like. We can interpret these observations as a shift from a largely compounding Germanic basis through a long period of English history where prefixes were a norm, and with signs now starting to appear that a return to a more compound-oriented stage of the language is under way. In retrospect, we have no difficulty in explaining the various shifts of type that have occurred. What is interesting is the method by which the compound-orientation is being re-established, and the possible effect of typological pressures on such a shift. The more compound-oriented modern stage is being achieved not through any simple change, but through a conspiracy of different changes which have the combined effect of leaving erstwhile prefixal elements looking more like lexemes. The changes can be seen as being influenced by the pressures which give rise to the so-called suffixing preference across languages: replacing prefixes with lexemes increases the number of items to be recognised by the listener, but allows maximal use of word-initial cues.
Science disinformation as a security threat and the role of science communication in the disinformation society
Tudományos dezinformáció mint biztonsági fenyegetés és a tudománykommunikáció szerepe a dezinformációs társadalomban
underlying pseudoscience. In: Kaufman, A. B., & Kaufman, J. C. (eds) Pseudoscience: The conspiracy against science. MIT Press Scholarship Online. pp. 45–75. https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress
COVID Vaccine Sentiment Dashboard based on Twitter Data
COVID vakcina szentiment dashboard Twitter adatok alapján
–278. 6 Muric, G., Wu, Y., & Ferrara, E. (2021) COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy on social media: Building a public twitter dataset of anti-vaccine content, vaccine misinformation and conspiracies. arXiv