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Most countries now share the prospect of an extended period of public fiscal austerity. Yet at the same time the demands for improved public services continues. This paper reviews the relationship between expenditure restraint and reform. It describes three broad strategies for achieving savings, noting that each has a different mixture of advantages and disadvantages. It then identifies four significant considerations that public service leaders will need to bear in mind as they decide their programs: timing, ethics, communications and legitimacy. The paper concludes with the observation that simultaneously tackling the needs for austerity and reform will call for extraordinary levels of public service leadership.

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The series of adverse shocks of both economic and political character that Europe has suffered since 2008, the last of them coming from the Brexit referendum, revealed numerous institutional gaps and asymmetries in the EU integration architecture. They originate from the voluntary nature of the EU project and the necessity to obtain unanimous approval of all member states to take new integration steps. To increase the resilience of the EU project against current and future shocks, its major institutional gaps and asymmetries should be addressed as quickly as possible. In this paper, we use the theory of fiscal federalism and subsidiarity principle to set the agenda of the EU reform. This includes the identification of areas such as completing the EMU and Schengen projects, foreign, security, and defence policies, environmental and climate change policies where further integration can offer substantial returns to scale and better provisions of global and pan-European public goods. On the other hand, there are also areas such as agriculture policy, products, services and labour standards, and fiscal surveillance rules, where deregulation in favour of market forces could ease business environment and make EU regulations less bureaucratic. Developing integration beyond the traditional economic sphere will also have an impact on the size of the EU budget, balance of power between the EU governing bodies (a bigger role of the European Parliament) and the democratic legitimacy of the EU project.

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): Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy . American Political Science Review , 53 ( 1 ): 69 – 105 . Lu , X. – Lorentzen , P. ( 2016

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Guardian, September 21, 1988. Piattoni , S. ( 2016 ): Institutional Innovations and EU Legitimacy after the Crisis . In: Dallago , B. – McGowan , J. (eds): Crises in

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Acta Oeconomica
Authors: Ivan Vujačić, Jelica Petrović-Vujačić, Svetozar Tanasković and Marko Miljković

various stages of the accession process. Convergence has been a political issue and a source of legitimacy ever since the rise of the “Third World.” However, nowhere it is a more urgent issue than in the European periphery and among the latecomers to

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. 2010 : 81). The process-based approach to assessment of the quality of remuneration policy has its theoretical justification in the institutional and legitimacy theory. As Redmond (2004 : 179) writes “institutional rationality …. requires two types of

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Chinese one; it began to change after Stalin's death in 1953 and abandoned mass terror. The Communist regimes in the Soviet Union and CEE had to look for some sort of social legitimacy and less coercive method of control over societies. This was especially

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literature refers to the concept of ‘input legitimacy’ (people vote democratically for what they want, and even if it's not the optimal, it follows a democratic procedure), and ‘output legitimacy’ (giving people what they want, but assuming that those who

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Society and Economy
Authors: Andreea Amarascu, Alena Pálinská and István Magas

Win and Lose Legitimacy . New York: Columbia University Press. Gilley B. The Right to Rule: How States Win and Lose Legitimacy

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The aim of the article is to outline the ongoing changes in the structure of secondary and higher education in Hungary. The change of regime induced definitive processes on both educational levels, enabled the irreversible expansion of higher education and the diversification of higher level training, which had serious impacts on secondary level vocational education. The author sketches the institutional, structural and legitimacy crises of which vocational training system has been suffering since 1990. Comparing with foreign models and based on data of the graduates' qualification structure, he formulates proposals aiming at reaching a respectable balance between secondary and higher level vocational training, replacing the present “competition model” with a “pedagogical model for development”.

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