Authors:Csaba Mészáros, Stefan Krist, Vsevolod Bashkuev, Luboš Bělka, Zsófia Hacsek, Zoltán Nagy, István Sántha and Ildikó Sz. Kristóf
Balkan Wars] . Budapest : Hungarovox Kiadó .
Diószegi , István 2001 Az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia külpolitikája 1867–1918 [The foreign policy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 1867–1918] . Budapest : Vince Kiadó .
Donia Robert , J. 2008
The article deals with the phenomenon of popularity of military service in the eighteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy. It exemplarily examines cases of entering and quitting the army in a wider context of belated career-start or switch in profession. Most typical models under scrutiny are disillusioned officers losing hope of promotion, ex-Jesuits who had joined the army to compensate the consequences of the dissolution of the Society of Jesus, retired army officers using the patronage networks to get admitted to the administrative elites, and retired Hungarian guardsmen who had chosen administrative career. The study is based primarily on ego documents, such as petitions and private letters, which are supplemented (where available) by the minutes and resolutions of respective administrative bodies. Successful, or unsuccessful, case-studies under scrutiny let describing society of the Habsburg Monarchy as horizontally mobile and highly motivated to reach social ascend through flexibility in the occupations-choice.
The historical legacy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy remains a subject of considerable debate and particular significance in an increasingly unified Europe. Given that political unification has by no means led to any widespread consensus concerning interpretations of the half-century of European history preceding the outbreak of World War I, it may be worthwhile to consider how the memory of this geographically large and nationally and linguistically diverse state has shifted in different historical periods. This article seeks to further an understanding of the contentious legacy of the Dual Monarchy through discussion of examples from works by Hungarian authors, in particular Dezső Kosztolányi, Gyula Krúdy, and Sándor Márai.
Hungarian foreign policy from the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in November 1918 to the Peace Treaty of Trianon of June 1920 concentrated on maintaining Hungary's integrity and finding ways to break out of the international isolation in which the newly independent state found itself. Such were the aims of the regimes that followed each other in succession, and which are identified with the names of Mihály Károlyi, Béla Kun, and Miklós Horthy.
Contrarily to most traditional accounts on the foundation of the Republic, Dionysius describes the passage from the Tarquins’ monarchy to the Republic as a lawful constitutional reform, in which L. Junius Brutus played a pivotal role. In my paper I analyze the speech that Brutus delivers to the Roman patricians to endorse the establishment of a new government in Rome. The new constitution, although remaining essentially monarchical, will keep its autocratic nature concealed from the people. Throughout this paper, I show how Dionysius in his presentation of Brutus picked up elements both related to the senatorial propaganda against M. Junius Brutus — Caesar’s murderer, who claimed descent from L. Brutus and the tyrannicide Ahala — and, at the same time, the character of Augustus’s newly-founded government. This account may thus be regarded as Dionysius’ own elaboration of Augustus’s constitutional reform.
If Augustus claims to be, as it is well-known, a new Romulus, he has also tried to set up his action and public image with regards to current collective representations related to other kings of Rome. Thus, his major religious policy helps him to become a new Numa, while particular attention he paid to priesthood, temple, and fecial rites get him as much closer to Tullus Hostilius than Ancus Marcius. As far as the second part of the royal period is concerned, it is much raised in his historical memory policy: his interest in Sibylline Books, but also in major projects carried out in Rome during his reign have contributed to see him as a new Tarquin, while censuses and both administrative and religious reorganisations of the Rome’s urban space the Princeps conducted remind us of a new Servius Tullius. Augustus systematically using the royal memory of Rome allowed him to hide the monarchical tropism of Hellenistic type of his regime under the guise of a return to oldest national traditions.