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In this paper, I will argue that the asyllabic /i/—a recurrent inflectional element in final position in Romanian words—is not a phoneme of the Romanian vowel system. I will present arguments which sustain that the morphological marker- i leads to the palatalization of the preceding consonant, resulting in a positional allophone of the consonant phoneme in complementary distribution with it.

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This article explores the derivational morphology of P’urhepecha, especially with regard to verbal forms. P’urhepecha, or Tarascan, is an isolated Mesoamerican Ianguage of Central-Western Mexico, with about 200,000 speakers. An agglutinative type of language where suffixes are attached to the stem in a fairly regular fashion, P’urhepecha also has an extensive inflectional morphology with a system of cases, including genitive, locative, and residential. The present work presents an overall picture of the linguistic complexity of this intriguing language and its rich morphological resources through a review of some of the most common and productive types of derivational morphemes that occur as part of the verbal complex in P’urhepecha, including body-part suffixes, causatives, deictic suffixes, and other adverbial suffixes.

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The paper explores the nature of cross-linguistic influence in morphology. 30 Estonian (a closely related L1) and 30 Russian (a non-related L1) beginning and advanced learners of L2 Finnish were tested for their skills in nominal inflection in three different tasks: separate nouns of morphophonologically varying inflectional categories to be inflected in several plural case forms in writing, the same nouns to be used in a narrative writing task and in an oral inflection task. The nouns were selected to represent various degrees of inflectional and/or semantic similarity between Finnish and Estonian (for Russian no such similarity exists). The results indicate that—in opposition to what has been previously claimed—not only does cross-linguistic influence exist within the domain of morphology but it also varies systematically across inflectional categories and between groups at different levels of general skills in Finnish.

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The Finnish language has a very extensive inflectional morphology, whereas Vietnamese, as an isolating language, has no inflection at all. Therefore, the major challenge encountered by Vietnamese immigrants learning Finnish is to develop awareness of the existence, function and use of inflection. This paper examines how this process manifests itself in native-non-native speaker (NS-NNS) conversations during the initial stages of second language acquisition. All the negotiation sequences including overt signals of problems in understanding were subjected to a closer analysis, and the linguistic modifications performed to solve the problems were analysed on the level of both interaction and grammar. In this paper, the focus is on the observable signs of gradually growing morphological awareness, and especially the receptive segmenting skills of the learners.

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. 1993 . On frequency, transparency and productivity . In G. E. Booij and J. van Marle (eds.) Yearbook of morphology 1992 . Dordrecht : Kluwer . 181 – 208 . Bates , Douglas

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). Bakker, Peter . 1997 . Athematic morphology in Romani: The borrowing of a borrowing pattern . In Matras et al. (1997, 1 – 21 ). Bakker, Peter and

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Acta Linguistica Hungarica
Authors: Dezső Németh, Rozália Ivády, Alessandro Guida, Márton Miháltz, Donald Peckham, Attila Krajcsi, and Csaba Pléh

8 290 295 Feldman, Laurie Beth (ed.) 1995. Morphological aspects of language processing. Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, New Jersey

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Crocco Galeas, Grazia — Claudio Iacobini 1993. The Italian parasynthetic verbs: A particular kind of circumfix. In: Livia Tonelli — Wolfgang Ulrich Dressler (eds): Natural morphology, 127–142. Unipress, Padova

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13 417 450 Halle, Morris — Alec Marantz 1993. Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In: Kenneth Hale — Samuel J. Keyser (eds): The

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): Contemporary morphology, 69-78. Mouton de Guyter, Berlin & New York. Austro-Hungarian morphopragmatics 69 78

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