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Mythos als Propaganda

Matthias Corvinus und die Legenden über seine Herkunft

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author: Christine Harrauer

The myths about the birth of Matthias Corvinus - though varied in contents - were written with the view to his legality as king. Even after the coronation his authorization was called into question by many Hungarian aristocrats, because his father János Hunyadi, the celebrated fighter against the Turks, was a homo novus. Although the royal propaganda led back the family Hunyadi, bearing the raven (corvus) in the coat of arms, to the famous Roman Corvini, a widespread myth about the aition of this raven - a story which made János Hunyadi a natural son of king Sigismund - still circulated and was used against Matthias. Examination of this story makes quite sure that it was not invented by Matthias' enemies; the invention was rather an attempt made by his father János to prepare the basis for his and his children's influence and power.

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monete. In: I canali della propaganda del mondo antico. Ed. M. Sordi. Pubblicazioni della Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore 15. Milano 1976, 220–228. Belloni 1981 = G. G. Belloni : s.v. Aeternitas. In: LIMC I.1

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Mogersdorf 1969 . Band 1. Eisenstadt, pp. 85–93. G. Etényi, N. (1995): A 17. századi közvéleményformálás és propaganda Érsekújvár 1663-as ostromának tükrében. Aethas , pp. 95–139. G. Etényi, N. (1999

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, W. ( 1983 ): Kyros und Nabonid: Propaganda und Gegenpropaganda . In: Koch , H. – MacKenzie , D. N. (eds): Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der Achämenidenzeit und ihr Fortleben . Berlin , Dietrich Reimer , pp. 61 – 68

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in allen Landen…‘ Kunst, Propaganda, und die Wandlung des Türkenbildes im Heiligen Römischen Reich Deutscher Nation . AOH Vol. 54 , pp. 257 – 317 . Blanks , D. R. – Frasetto

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The prohibition of “advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred” by modern international law demonstrates more than any other provision concerning mass media a response effected by the horrors of National Socialism. It is primarily conceived of a special duty by States to take preventive measures to enforce the principle of non-discrimination and the right to life. This provision seems nowadays of special importance all over Europe. After the revolutions in former communist countries in the 1990s the democratic governments and movements are searching for new approaches to guarantee individual freedom, peace and social justice. Freedom of expression plays a decisive role in these conditions. People have eagerly embraced this freedom, so long withheld from them, and are using it to express their democratic aspirations. At the same time, this newly won freedom of expression has being misused to disseminate fascism and racial hatred. In the Balkans terrible crimes against humanity were committed. “Ethnic cleansing” was one of the results of this misuse of the freedom of expression. But also in post WW II democracies-like in Germany-one can find books and papers with racist und neo-fascist propaganda, sometime distributed by international networks. The attempt of the German government to prohibit the right-wing “National Party of Germany” (NPD) shows that the politics try to undertake some action against neo-fascist activities and propaganda. This paper examines the legal basis for international prohibitions against media content advocating war, racism and fascism and shows the ways in which democratic countries have handled (or failed to handle) this thorny issue.

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This study deals with the use of the Holy Crown of Hungary in Hungarian revolts and Habsburg representation between 1604 and 1611. It describes how the meaning of the crown suddenly changed after 1604 and how this meaning was spread across the borders of Hungary. The focus is on the use of the crown in the propaganda of King Matthias II at the time of his crowning as King of Bohemia in 1611. This is a rare example of the use of the Hungarian crown in the political legitimation of a ruler in another country outside Hungary, but it has a special ideological background. This use is an aspect of the history of the crown that has been overlooked to this day.

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The consequences of Crassus’ invasion of Mesopotamia in 54–53 BCE were unanticipated and unintended; however, his disastrous failure shocked the Roman world and suddenly established the Parthians as a serious rival to Rome. Moreover, the shame the Romans felt after the Battle of Carrhae was considerable. The battle scarred the Roman psyche and severely damaged the Roman ego. This study synthesizes and investigates what became a vicious and virulent Roman literary tradition of anti-Crassus propaganda, examining how numerous Roman writers over the course of numerous centuries used the dead and disgraced Crassus as a convenient scapegoat to help explain Rome’s failure to dominate the East and subdue the Parthian rival. It demonstrates that these writers ignored the legitimate causes for the First Romano-Parthian War (56 BCE – 1 CE), which Crassus had inherited, and illustrates that the disaster at Carrhae became a popular moralizing lesson about the consequences of greed, impiety, and hubris.

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This paper will analyze Eisenhower's policy towards Eastern Europe in general and towards Hungary in particular from the perspective of the gaping gulf between high-minded rhetoric and the political realities of the Cold War and the nuclear arms race. While the Eisenhower Administration sounded the high-faluting rhetoric of “liberation of captive peoples”from communism and engaged in the short-lived effort to launch a “Volunteer Freedom Corps”to undermine communism in Eastern Europe, the political reality was that uprisings against communism were not supported in East Germany in 1953, neither in Poland and Hungary in 1956. The Cold War regimes in Central Europe, along with the establishment of deterrence strategy, made the cautious Eisenhower administration not dare actively support rebellions in Eastern Europe. The price of an escalation of conflict towards nuclear war was deemed too dangerous; no direct interventions were launched in the Soviet sphere of influence. The price the Eisenhower administration also had to pay was a loss of trust among the “captive peoples”. Eisenhower's rhetoric was revealed to be only propaganda.

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Joachim von Watt (Ioachimus Vadianus) kommentárja, amely az első tudományos igényű Mela-kommentárnak tekinthető, elsőként 1518-ban jelent meg. Előzményének Ermolao Barbaro velencei humanista Castigationes Plinianae et in Pomponium Melam című filológiai kommentárját tekinthetjük. A lemmák vizsgálata során az ókori és a kora újkori uralkodóportrék két csoportját különíthetjük el, a jó és a rossz királyokét, illetve császárokét. A kommentárnak ez az olvasata az antik mű új tartalommal való felruházására irányuló törekvést példázza, amelynek során a lemmaíró Vadianus a korabeli olvasó számára hasznos ismereteket kíván közvetíteni. Ez az olvasat Vadianus későbbi munkájában, a Sankt Gallenben írt Epitome trium terrae partiumban már nem jelenik meg, ami bizonyítja a kommentár uralkodóképében rejlő propagandisztikus célokat. A rossz és jó uralkodók legkiemelkedőbb példái Nagy Sándor és I. (Jagelló) Zsigmond, a többi uralkodó e két pólus között helyezkedik el. Az ókor rossz uralkodóinak bemutatásakor Vadianus az ókori toposzokat követi: olvashatunk Neróról és Caliguláról, de a lemmákban rossz uralkodóként szerepel a késő római Pertinax császár is. A helvét humanista utóbbit erkölcsi szempontból ítéli el, bár a Historia Augusta leírásában nem szerepelnek az általa leírt morális aspektusok. Az antikvitás jó uralkodói, Antoninus Pius és Marcus Aurelius is erkölcsi szempontból kiemelkedőek Vadianus számára, azonban a modern uralkodók tekintetében a morális jó tulajdonságok mellett a hadi jártasság is a jó uralkodó ismérve. Véleménye szerint a jó uralkodó képes a kettőt összeegyeztetni egymással, és emellett emberi vonásait is megőrizni, ahogy I. Miksa és I. Zsigmond is.

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