In this paper, I establish a connection between the manifold character of Fama as reported by Virgil in Aen. 4. 173 ff. and her ‘manifold speech’ (multiplex sermo) in the framework of a narratological reading. According to my interpretation, the short fama of the Virgilian Fama (4. 191-194), as a spectacular example of ‘polyphonic narrative’, radicalises and thus domesticates the dangers inherent in the epic discourse itself.
The appearances of the goddess Night in Virgil’s Aeneid can be profitably studied as a cipher to appreciating better certain key elements of the poet’s epic presentation of Troy’s fall and the rise of the future Rome. Detailed consideration of every epiphany of the goddess in the poem offers insight into Virgil’s rationale for how he presents the ultimate resolution of the conflict in Latium and the quelling of Juno’s rage against the Trojans.
The messenger speeches in some of Seneca's tragedies (the most extensive ones can be read in Agamemnon and Hercules Furens) constitute special epic details of the works. Their narrative technique, intertextual references and representation of time link them not with the dramatic literary form, but with the epic one, and Vergil's Aeneid is, beyond any doubt, their most important 'hypertextus'. The setting of the messenger reports has not been subordinated to the dramatic efficacy of the main conflict, they produce rather a generic multiplicity. The reform of closed literary forms and the generic heterogeneity are not unique phenomena in the literary life of this period; the meaning and importance of the innovation made by Seneca cannot be judged separately from the most important literary achievements of the period: Luc an's Bellum Civile and Petronius' Satyricon
Drawing on established connections between Roman identity and an agricultural landscape, this paper examines how the imagery of disrupted pastoral and agrarian landscapes and characters represent the effects of civil war on the Roman people in Vergil’s Aeneid and Lucan’s Bellum Civile. While disturbance and turmoil are already a part of the natural landscape in Vergil’s Eclogues and Georgics, in epic, a genre that concerns itself with how empire and imperial power mediate Roman identity, the displacement of shepherds and agriculture partially redefines Roman identity in militaristic terms. Vergil’s pastoral characters, written into military roles as civic landscapes displace agrarian ones in the Aeneid, survive but fail to find a place in Lucan’s ruined and desolate Pharsalian landscape in the Bellum Civile. There, the broken natural landscape, unfit for agriculture, pastoralism, or trade, mirrors the redefinition of what is “Roman” and the occlusion of Rome’s link to an idealized bucolic past.
Fitzgerald , R. 1983 : The Aeneid . Random House
Johnston , P. A. 2012 : The Aeneid of Vergil. Norman
Lattimore , R. 1965 : The Iliad of Homer . Chicago
Mynors , R. A. 1969 : P. Vergilii Maronis Opera
A driving force in Vergil’s Aeneid is the hostility of Juno to the Trojans as they approach, and finally arrive in Italy. The epic in some ways mirrors the opposition encountered by Augustus as the new ruler of Rome. Juno’s opposition to the Trojans has its origin not only in Greek mythology, but in the history of the local peoples of Italy with whom early Romans had to contend. From the outset of the poem she becomes the personification of these opposing forces. Once the Trojans finally reach mainland Italy, she sets in motion a long war, although the one depicted in the Aeneid was not as long as the real wars Romans waged with the Latin League and with the many of the tribes of Italy, including the Veii. The reality of the wars Rome had to contend with are here compared to the relatively brief one depicted in the Aeneid, and the pacification of Juno reflects the merging of the different peoples of Rome with their subjugator.
In the second half of the 16th century increasing interest in Greco-Roman drama lead to a revival of the fabula praetexta, i.d. plays staging Roman history. One of the finest examples is the “Lucretia, tragoedia nova” by the Silesian writer Samuel Iunius (*1567). In dramatizing the Livian story the poet follows Greek tragedies (e.g. Sophocles, Aias), but first of all imitates Vergil by assimilating Lucretia to Dido. Due to further parallels in structure and narrative technique Iunius' play even emerges as a kind of dramatic counterpart to the Aeneid. The choice of the subject as well as its treatment seem to suggest that the author lent his voice to political criticism and Anti-Habsburg opposition.
The god Janus is a programmatic figure in Ovid’s
, having in his complexity even more than two faces. Yet a passage of the dialogue (
. 1. 229–254) between the god and the poet has not received due attention. The main interest of this paper is to show how the tradition connecting the ship (represented on the coin) with Janus or Saturnus, respectively, is re-shaped by Ovid in order to clarify his position towards Vergil’s concurrent passage in
8: Janus is not an immigrant as Saturnus, but an indigenous god. In addition, the difference between Vergil’s and Ovid’s attitude to the teleology of Roman history will be elucidated.
We find three definitions of the saeculum in the Roman world. The Etruscan Century is based on the lives of the human beings and of the different cities in Etruria. We find an echo of these theories in the Roman divination There are two definitions of the century in Rome, a century of 100 and a century of 110 years. This theory, elaborated by the Quindecemviri sacris faciundis and Ateius Capito, has been taken into consideration to celebrate the Secular Games in 17 AD. In fact, the reign of Augustus has been considered as the return of the Golden Age in Italy and in the Roman world, with the end of the civil wars. In Vergil’s poetry, we find a historical conception of the Hesiodic Golden Age. Announced in the fourth Eclogue, the Golden age is localized in the Latium (Georgica) under the power of Augustus (Aeneid).