The paper is a case-study discussing the role of imago and historia in the Istanbul Antiphonal, a Hungarian 14th-century illuminated manuscript recently discovered and published in a facsimile edition. On the one hand, the two types ipso facto play different roles in the codex: imagines are usually connected to saints (therefore they culminate in the sanctorale part) while historiae are to be found mainly in the temporale. On the other hand, examples of both of the image types can be found in both parts, sometimes mixing the two genres. There is a tendency to give more and more place to the narrative, still, keeping important positions for the imago(e.g. at the beginning and the end of the cycles). Finally, there are cases when both of them are used for the same feast in different size, revealing that (at least in some cases) imago is hierarchically lower than historia.
The life-work of Augustus and its memory is usually illustrated by the Res gestae as well as the historical pieces of Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio. This cultural memory omits the Augustus-portrait of the chapters 147–150 of Book 7 of the Naturalis Historia, which summarize the life or more exactly the misfortunes of the life of Rome’s first emperor. This anti-Res gestae divi Augusti is unique not only in ancient literature but in the context of the Naturalis Historia as well. Critics have advocated different explanations. This paper is devoted to an analysis of these chapters in the context of the textual unit that organically contains them, and which culminates in them.
Contrasting the character traits and the behaviour of a good ruler and a tyrant is one of the traditional motives of Byzantine literature. Essential constituents of this comparison were four cardinal virtues (temperance, prudence, justice, and fortitude), philanthropy, piousness, accession to the throne, concern for subjects, and choice of confidants. Each writer did not necessarily discuss all the elements mentioned; he simply chose those that corresponded to his intention and his conception of his literary work. The same writing strategy was used by Nikephoros Bryennios, a Byzantine military commander and historiographer of the 12th century, in his work titled Hyle historias, in which he depicted in detail the reigns of three emperors: Romanos IV Diogenes, Michael VII Doukas, and Nikephoros III Botaneiates. Bryennios ascribed to each of them some typical traits of a tyrant; Romanos lacked prudence, Michael fortitude, and Botaneiates temperance. Furthermore Romanos listened to flatterers, Michael was manipulated by the eunuch Nikephoritzes, and Botaneiates consulted the dishonest barbarian Boril and trusted the perfidious eunuch John. The examples given imply that, from the list of characteristic mentioned above, Bryennios focused on the choice of confidants and used depictions of the emperor’s confidants to complete the portrayal of the emperor himself. The aim of this paper is to analyze the application of this technique in Hyle historias, which created negative portrayals of former emperors and paved the way for the future emperor Alexios Komnenos, the true hero of Bryennios’ writing.
Les deux études qui suivent sont prises dans les matériaux d'un Colloque tenu à Budapest, du 29 à 31 octobre 1981, dans le cadre de la préparation d'un ouvrage en quatre volumes sur le tournant du siècle des Lumières, 1760–1820, et faisant partie de l'«Histoire comparée des Langues européennes», projet majeur de l'Association Internationale de Littérature Comparée
Balther of Säckingen was a remarkable scholar, writer and composer, who was born about 930, made bishop of Speyer in 970, and died in 986 or 987. Educated at the famous monastery in St. Gallen, he went as a wandering student in search of learning as far as North Spain. He had a special veneration for St Fridolin, founder of a convent in Säckingen. On his travels Balther found a copy of a Life of St Fridolin, memorized it, wrote it down on his return home, composed chants to be sung on the feast day of the saint, and sent both the Life (vita) and the chants (historia) to one of his former teachers at St. Gallen for approval. Balther says he composed them “per musicam artem”, “according to the art of music”. This paper tells how Balther’s chants came to be composed and compares them with others in order to understand what was considered to be “musical art” around 970.
The present paper aims to provide specific material for a functionalist perspective over the mutual relations between two successive medieval Castilian translations of Jacques de Vitry's Historia Orientalis. Assuming that every medieval translation is a pragmatically oriented discourse, the study implies that the translation feels free to adapt his sources to contemporary interests and expectations by using classical exegetic skills, regardless of the predominant literary technique. Based on historical, rhetorical and linguistic details, we intend to stress the translation's interpretative condition, achieving its concreteness in the particular dynamics of the amplificatio, and in the pragmatic function of certain sequences, as an integration of both internal and external textual circumstances.
evolución hacia los romances peninsulares, nos planteamos analizar cuál es la situación que presentan dos obras historiográficas separadas cronológicamente por tres siglos, pero muy ligadas temáticamente: la Historia Gothorum y la Crónica de Alfonso III