The documents of the Esterházy and Nádasdy families kept in the Hungarian National Archives are an inexhaustible source of Hungarian culture and art history. To this group belong the three batches of sources giving an insight into the funeral ceremonies of the Esterházys in the 17th century. Sources on the burial customs of the Esterházy family began to be published in the 20th century. In the focus of interest was the battle of Vezekény against the Turks in which four young Esterházys were killed on 26 August 1652 including the head of the family, László. Art works connected to his death, such as the weapons and outfit he wore in the battle, his portrait on the catafalque and the so-called Vezekény dish ordered in commemoration of him, were put up for various historical exhibitions. Two engravings of the funeral procession of the four Esterházys killed in action and buried in Nagyszombat on 26 November 1652 and their castrum doloris are also among the important sources. Using the prints made by Mauritz Lang after Hans Rudolf Miller's drawings, art historian Péter Szabó reconstructed the funeral procession in his book entitled Végtisztesség [Last Tribute] (Budapest 1989). The Esterházy family designated several places of last repose for its members in the 17th century. At the beginning they were buried in the family crypt of the Jesuit church at Nagyszombat [today Trnava, Slovakia] built by palatine Nicholas Esterházy. At the end of the century Pál Esterházy had a crypt built in the Franciscan church at the centre of the family estate in Kismarton [today Eisenstadt, Austria]. The first of the three groups of archival sources is the description of palatine Nicholas Esterházy's funeral procession in the Hungarian and Latin languages. The aristocrat died in 1645 and was buried in Nagyszombat on 11 December. The ceremony was organized by eight directors in kinship with the family, the master of ceremonies being Ferenc Wesselényi, captain of Fülek [today Filakovo, Slovakia]. The procession included the troops and representatives of the Hungarian aristocratic families, the council of Nagyszombat, the local guilds, the teachers and students of the academy, the leaders and bodies of the Catholic Church, deputies of the counties and the marches, and the Esterházys. Various emblems were included in the procession representing Esterházy's military rank (helmet, spurs, sword, stick) and public office as palatine (mace, sword). Separate roles were assigned to the flags including the national flag and to two alter egos who represented Nicholas Esterházy the person. The second group of sources includes the funeral procession and costs of count László Esterházy in Hungarian. The procession is very similar to the palatine's: the participants were nearly the same and the funeral ceremony was also similar. However, the written source and the funeral procession reconstructed by Péter Szabó on the basis of the engraving do not tally at several points. The costs of burial were 8615 forints, a large sum in the age. The paraphernalia were mainly bought in Vienna close to Kismarton. The expenses reveal that as was customary, the family and the familiares were dressed in new clothes and the artisans were given large amounts of money. The third source is the Hungarian account of the death and burial of baron Farkas Esterházy. A lower ranked collateral of the Esterházys, Farkas died unexpectedly in Lőcse [today Levoča, Slovakia] in 1670. Owing to the danger of infection, the funeral had to be staged quickly. Since the Catholic magnate could not be buried in Lutheran Lőcse, Farkas was buried in nearby Szepeshely [today Spišska Kapitula]. The funeral was organized by a relative living in the vicinity, the widow of György Homonnai Drugeth born countess Mária Esterházy. The procession included the locally available noblemen and the representatives of the town of Lőcse. The first two funerals in Nagyszombat were monumental, representative events, while Farkas Esterházy's was far more modest. It can be concluded from the 18 surviving accounts of funeral processions that in the area of the Hungarian Kingdom there was a relatively unified custom of funeral culture modeled first of all on the burial ceremonies of the Habsburg rulers.
In the 16th–17th centuries the Ottoman conquerors of the occupied territories of Hungary gradually established their own intitutions. Together with the military, dervishes also appeared and generally settled outside the defended city walls. Owing to the sparsity of source material, the lives and activities of these dervishes and their monasteries are less known. The present study attempts to collect and present all the data concerning the Bektaşi convents in Ottoman Hungary. Five monasteries are known to have existed that undoubtedly belonged to the Bektaşi order: two in Buda, one in Eger, another one in Székesfehérvár and one in Lippa. It is most likely that the convent of Yağmur Baba in Hatvan, that of Muhtar Baba in Buda, and perhaps that in Szolnok also had Bektaşi affiliations. This relatively small number may probably be augmented in the future, since many more Babas had monasteries and shrines in Ottoman Hungary, whose biographies and affiliations still await further research. Obviously, the political elite in Ottoman Hungary considered it important to support the Bektaşi dervishes; they fostered the building of convents and provided them with endowments. Thus, in addition to the pronounced presence of the Bektaşis in literary monuments, and the reputation of Gül Baba preserved throughout the centuries, the presence of Bektaşi convents in Hungary also testifies to the significant role played by this dervish order in the cultural life of Ottoman Hungary.
In the 16th century, there were two
in Hungary; their number increased to four at the turn of the 17th century and to six after 1660. The largest of them, the
of Buda, was loss-making throughout the period, with the exception of a few years. The Buda
received financial support from the central treasury during the 16th century and from the campaign treasury during the Long War at the turn of the 17th century. Subsequently, in the 17th century, roughly 70 per cent of its military expenditure was covered by state revenues from the Balkan Peninsula. In the latter decades of the 16th century, the Temeşvar
produced a financial surplus. It suffered financial woes during the war at the turn of the century but recovered thereafter. In the early 17th century, the Eger
used its own revenue to pay for more than half of its costs, but the losses of the Kanija
resembled those of Buda. The Varad
in the east of the country was financially self-sufficient, while the Uyvar
, established in the approaches to Vienna, was funded entirely by the central treasury. To sum up: in the stricken western
, which were devastated by the military campaigns, local revenues met no more than one third of military costs; meanwhile, the three eastern
, which were less affected by conflict, were for the most part self-sufficient.
This paper presents the initial results of faunal analysis conducted on material from the Visegrád-Lower Castle site. This collection is a 16–17th century deposit from the town of Visegrád, located on the Danube and within the hotly contested border of the Hapsburg and Ottoman Empires. It seeks to address the cultural and political context of the site in terms of Ottoman military expansion and social history and Pre-Ottoman Hungarian history. The Lower Castle assemblage consists of material from several refuse pits and excavation units (referred to the in the documents as ‘squares’) and one house-floor. The material was identified to species and weighed and measurements taken when possible. The collection consisted primarily of cattle (Bos taurus) and sheep/goat (Caprinae). One human vertebra was recovered from a house-floor context.
This study tries to give an overview of the varied connections between word and image in the calendars and other popular works (penny books, manuscript song collections) of the late Renaissance and Baroque. The author investigates the associations and influences from different fields of culture, considers ancient topoi and archetypes which underwent a great many transformations over space and time. In the first part of this paper are examined some non-traditional figures in the calendar for 1578 (Kolozsvár-Cluj, Heltai’s office) like mermaids/sirens in the role of Aquarius and Virgo, and the appearence of these figures on the painted furniture and ceiling panels of 18th -century Calvinist churches in Hungary.
The second part of this article deals with some typical title pages of calendars, edited in different printing houses of Upper Hungary (by Lorentz Brewer in Lőcse/Levoča, the serie Calendarium Tyrnaviense, Nagyszombat/Trnava) from the second half of the 17th century, and with the calendars of David Frölich, published in Breslau (Wrocław, PL) between 1623 and 1646.
Gerő, Gy. (1989): Anatolian Pottery — from Iznik and Kütahya — in Hungary in the 16th and 17thCenturies. In:
First International Congress on Turkish Tiles and Ceramics
. Istanbul, pp. 143–152.
H. Gyürky, K. (1974