According to the official propaganda Aeneas was one of the most important figures in the mythical-historical past of Rome. However, we hardly meet his figure in the
: he is usually presented as rescuing the gods of Troy, the Penates. As opposed to Aeneas, the Arcadian Euander is presented with the function of even replacing him in many respects. Euander, as Aeneas, appears in few stories, nevertheless, his figure is characterised with such sympathy and the foundation of such significant cults is attributed to him that he becomes superior to Aeneas in the text. Numa Pompilius emerges as an alternative to Romulus in the
. Augustus intended to represent the values symbolised by both Romulus and Numa, however, in the
, his figure is rather connected with the poet and with the ideal ruler of his imagination than with the princeps personally. It is striking that although Augustus tried to present also Numa as his forerunner, we cannot find this idea in the
Livy was born in Padua, among the Venetes, in a part of Italy which received Roman citizenship only in 49 BC and he was very proud of the origins of his little hometown — that could take pride in being, like Rome, a Trojan foundation. Indeed, before telling Aeneas’ arrival on the shore of Latium, he begins his Roman history telling the story of Antenor, the Trojan hero who founded Padova. Later, he insists on the victory of his fellow-citizens in 302 BC over the Spartan Cleonymos, one of the Greek generals who were appointed by the Tarentines to protect them from their enemies — a victory which appears to be a kind of anticipation of that of Rome against Pyrrhus. But Livy was well conscious that, in present times, the leading center in Italy and elsewhere was only Rome: the last time we hear of his native town in the extant books of his work is 174 BC, when the Romans had to restore order and peace in the Venetian town — an event which was considered so important in local memory that it was considered as the beginnig of a new era. The deep attachment of a provincial Roman like Livy to his little hometown did not prevent from feeling himself a member of the larger Roman comunity and resenting a strong attachment to Rome, head of the whole oikoumene and common patria of all Italians. He gives us a good example of the construction of a Roman Italy under Augustus.
The appearances of the goddess Night in Virgil’s Aeneid can be profitably studied as a cipher to appreciating better certain key elements of the poet’s epic presentation of Troy’s fall and the rise of the future Rome. Detailed consideration of every epiphany of the goddess in the poem offers insight into Virgil’s rationale for how he presents the ultimate resolution of the conflict in Latium and the quelling of Juno’s rage against the Trojans.
A driving force in Vergil’s Aeneid is the hostility of Juno to the Trojans as they approach, and finally arrive in Italy. The epic in some ways mirrors the opposition encountered by Augustus as the new ruler of Rome. Juno’s opposition to the Trojans has its origin not only in Greek mythology, but in the history of the local peoples of Italy with whom early Romans had to contend. From the outset of the poem she becomes the personification of these opposing forces. Once the Trojans finally reach mainland Italy, she sets in motion a long war, although the one depicted in the Aeneid was not as long as the real wars Romans waged with the Latin League and with the many of the tribes of Italy, including the Veii. The reality of the wars Rome had to contend with are here compared to the relatively brief one depicted in the Aeneid, and the pacification of Juno reflects the merging of the different peoples of Rome with their subjugator.
„Mozdulatlan (érinthetetlen) béke?” Ambivalens szókapcsolat, ha a béke-eszmény császárkori megítélésére gondolunk. Vajon az Aeneis minden olvasója számára teljességgel magától értetődött-e, hogy Aeneas késői unokái ne habozzanak virtusuk „tettekben megnyilvánuló kiteljesítésével”? (Aen. VI 808.) Az a bizonyos cupido proferendi imperii - minden áron! - aligha tekinthető „meggyőző politikai vezérelvnek” (E. Koestermann). És ha nincs is mód a virtus gyakorlására, és bele kell törődni a béke „érinthetetlenségébe”? A pax Romana-t nemcsak Seneca „diszkreditálta”; mások sem ítélték vitathatatlannak. A tárgyalt szöveghelyek Tacitus gondolatvilágának megközelítésében is segítenek.
„Mozdulatlan (érinthetetlen) béke?” Ambivalens szókapcsolat, ha a béke-eszmény császárkori megítélésére gondolunk. Vajon az Aeneis minden olvasója számára teljességgel magától értetődött-e, hogy Aeneas késôi unokái ne habozzanak virtusuk „tettekben megnyilvánuló kiteljesítésével”? (Aen. VI 808.) Az a bizonyos cupido proferendi imperii — minden áron! — aligha tekinthetô „meggyôzô politikai vezérelvnek” (E. Koestermann). És ha nincs is mód a virtus gyakorlására, és bele kell törôdni a béke „érinthetetlenségébe”? A pax Romana-t nemcsak Seneca „diszkreditálta”; mások sem ítélték vitathatatlannak. A tárgyalt szöveghelyek Tacitus gondolatvilágának megközelítésében is segítenek.
Species richness and composition of carabid assemblages were investigated on the ground surface of differently treated (abandoned, commercial and IPM) apple and pear orchards in Hungary. Extensive sampling was carried out by pitfall trapping in 13 apple and 3 pear orchards located in ten different regions. 28 230 individuals belonging to 174 species were collected. Additional four species were collected by trunk-traps and 23 species were found during the review of earlier literature. Altogether 201 carabid species representing 40% of the carabid fauna of Hungary were found in our and earlier studies. The species richness varied between 23 and 76 in the different orchards, the average species richness was 43 species. The common species, occurring with high relative abundance in the individual orchards in decreasing order were: Pseudoophonus rufipes, Harpalus distinguendus, Harpalus tardus, Anisodactylus binotatus, Calathus fuscipes, Calathus erratus, Amara aenea, Harpalus affinis and Pterostichus melanarius. The species with wide distribution, occurring in more than 75% of the investigated orchards in decreasing order were: Pseudoophonus rufipes, Trechus quadristriatus, Harpalus tardus, Harpalus distinguendus, Pterostichus melanarius, Amara aenea, Amara familiaris Calathus fuscipes, Poecilus cupreus, Calathus ambiguus, Calathus melanocephalus, Pseudoophonus griseus and Harpalus serripes. Species, which are rare in Hungary, and therefore are interesting in respect of faunal research, were: Amara cursitans, Harpalus progrediens, Notiophilus pusillus, Olisthopus rotundatus, Pangus scaritides and Parophonus hirsutulus.
Since antiquity Latium constitutes a legendary refuge for the lost traveler (Ulysses), the persecuted being (Saturn) and the exiled warrior (Aeneas). On the other side of the Mediterranean, North Africa, between the end of 19th century and the first half of 20th century, was also a shelter for many expatriates, in particular Italian immigrants. In the aftermath of decolonization, after a breaking of a few generations and a dramatic colonial experience, Latium represents the privileged place of repatriation for many Italians. This article focuses on Latiumin the imaginary of Tunisian-born Italians and on literarymyths that are set in Southern Latium. In the last part it analyses the figure of Elpenor—the Odyssey’s helmsman who died at Circe’s palace—in the work of Adrien Salmieri (1929–).
In the poetry of the late Republic and the age of Augustus, a gradual expansion and Romanisation of the role of Magna Mater can be observed. In Catullus, she appears only as a goddess from Asia Minor linked to Attis’ repulsive act. In Lucretius, Cybele is identical with Rhea, which remarkably changes her position as she becomes the mother of all Olympian gods. In Vergil, in addition to being the mother of all gods, she is also the Chief Goddess of the Trojans, who plays an active role in shaping Aeneas’ fate. The most thorough picture of the Goddess is provided by Ovid, who covers every detail of the cult, placing emphasis on embracing the cult. He goes to great lengths to attribute Roman origin to its apparently foreign features, i.e., he tries to Romanise the already embraced cult as much as possible. All this must have taken place under the aegis of and in accordance with Augustus’ religious policy.
This article briefly surveys literary sources on the Rutulians and Turnus and finds them to have been neither particularly informative nor plentiful. In fashioning his portrait of Turnus and his people, Vergil exploited that dearth of information by countering it and adding details not found in the earlier traditions. His inventive portrait of the heritage of Turnus, which emphasizes ethnic diversity, creates several parallels between Turnus and Aeneas, and helps make him both a direct counterpart and formidable opponent to the Trojan hero. By making the two warriors more similar than different via their mixed Italian and Greek ancestry, Vergil homogenizes them to the ethnically complex population of Rome during the age of Augustus.