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Euripidesʼ Helen was performed in 412, some months after the complete débâcle of the Athenian army on Sicily. Aristophanes speaks of the “new Helen”, and there is indeed no reason to criticize the pretty heroine. This new character corresponds to the new poetic conception Euripides presents in the Helen as in the contemporary Andromeda, too, after having tried to apply it already in the Iphigenia Taurica (414 or 413). In the mentioned tragedies large-scale operations as the Trojan War are missed. However, this war is condemned in the diccussions of the post-war time in Helen. In the action prevail rather single fates and a lot of adventures. To return home proves to be a remarkable motive, when according to Thucydides only few succeeded in escaping from Sicily. The hard struggle to save the life against tyrannical violence in far-off barbarous countries seem to be important for the new conception. Cheerful components are the love and the happy ending. But there is no doubt: The new poetic manner does not prevent tragedies from remaining tragedies.

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In the years 1994-1996 a painted vault of a house in the Roman civilian town Brigetio was excavated in present-day Komárom/Szőny, Hungary. The wall-paintings, which date back to the late 2nd-early 3rd cents. A.D., represent the personifications of the Four Seasons as female busts in the corners, four panthers in the middle of the side-walls and a circular central motive with the figure of a nude woman and a horse. On the basis of relevant astrological sources the paintings on the vault can be interpreted as symbolic representations of the spheres of the sky (the aer and the aether) and of eternity. The central medallion, which creates a delusive impression of an oculus, shows the fixed constellations Andromeda and Pegasus in the highest spheres of the sky. Parallel ideas from the Roman pagan art and the Christian / early Byzantine art indicate that the concept was widespread from the 1st to the 6th cents. A.D., being echoed also by the descriptions and illustrations in some sources of the late antiquity, like, for instance, the Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes.

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Sárvár castle was the property of the Nádasdy family from the early 16th century until 1670. Its current pentagonal shape was formed during the time of judge royal Ferenc III Nádasdy, one of the leading art patrons of the 17th century. Its early 17th century state is documented by three inventories (1630, 1646, 1650), and the layout of the interior, the functions and furnishings of the rooms can be reconstructed from the inventory dated 1669. The paper suggests some new dates of construction, explicates the stucco and fresco ornamentation program and on the basis of the furnishing inquiries into the role and function of the castle turned residence during Ferenc Nádasdy's time.

Comparing the inventories of various dates, one finds that Nádasdy first had wing A reconstructed before 1646. Research puts to the mid-17th century the rest of the constructions: building of the C wing and chapel, linkage of gate tower and wing A. Archival sources put the reconstruction to 1650–51. The stateroom was created at that time on the ceiling of which Hans Rudolf Miller painted in 1653 a fresco series of town sieges during the 15-year war. The stuccowork by Andrea Bertinalli framing the frescoes is dated by the paper also to 1653, a different date from what research earlier suggested. The conception of the ceiling decoration was completed before Nádasdy left in early June 1653 for the coronation of Ferdinand IV in Regensburg. Thus the iconography of the frescoes is independent of the thematically similar battle-scene cycle (possibly in oil) seen on the way in Günzburg near Ulm, about which Pál Esterházy travelling with Nádasdy wrote in his diary. Nádasdy had the opportunity to see in Günzburg the now extinct 16 full-length portraits ordered by the previous owner of the castle Karl von Burgau upon the model of the Spanischer Saal in Ambras around 1600. That may have inspired him to have the 20 full-length portraits painted mentioned by the inventory of 1669 in one of the salons of Sárvár.

Contemporaneous with the reconstruction is the staircase beneath the tower, mentioned in an order to stucco artist Andrea Bartinalli in February 1657 in which Nádasdy ordered the plasterwork for the ceiling of the upstairs rooms of wings E and D and the corridor of wing E, as well as a dual coat of arms above the mantelpiece in a room in the E wing. The order reveals that the stucco of three rooms in wing D had been started and Bertinalli was to finish it. Payment reveals that Bertinalli had completed the bulk of the work by the end of 1657. It probably included the ceiling stucco of the corner room in wing D, the only one still extant today. The plaster decoration frames frescoes the themes of which are from Ovid's Metamorphoses. Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz traced their engraved prototypes to Antonio Tempesta, but this could only be verified for the Narcissus scene. The Perseus and Andromeda story adopts Chrispijn de Passe's work via a mediating print, the models for the rest of the scenes are unknown. The joint interpretation of the fresco themes and the so-far unstudied iconography of the plasterwork could provide the key to the program of the entire ceiling. The stucco putti hold attributes of natural plenitude, fertility, while the Ovid scenes are about accepted love (Perseus and Andromeda, Jupiter and Callisto) or the rejection of love (Narcissus, Venus sends Amor to kindle desire in Pluto for Proserpina who rejects love). The ceiling decoration is the apology of love and female fertility in the corner room that was one of the rooms of the female suite after the mid-century reconstruction of the castle.

Practically nothing is known of the one-time art works in the castle. The inventories reflect numeric data, which reveal that by increasing the number of art works Nádasdy wished to create a representative image in the Sárvár rooms after the rebuilding. The definite functions and furnishing of the different wings are revealed by the May 1669 inventory taken a few months after the death of the count's wife Anna Júlia Esterházy. It shows therefore the state of the interior as it had evolved during one and a half decades' use after the reconstruction. The composition of the furnishing reveals that the described rooms did not serve for actual residence. Apart from the monotony and impersonal character of the description of the furniture the most conspicuous things are the absent objects, particularly in comparison with the description of the actual residence of the family, the castle of Pottendorf. This comparison reveals that in Sárvár pieces of storing furniture, first of all those for keeping clothes and textiles, are missing in Sárvár. There are only two cupboards but they are empty. There is no furniture to hold books, while in Pottendorf there was a Bibliotheca. In Sárvár, except for Nádasdy's bedroom and one of the women's rooms, the beds are not installed, and apart from Nádasdy's suite there are no curtains, draperies, and there is no mirror.

The inventory confirms the earlier research findings: Sárvár did not function as a residence, since before 1650 the family lived in Deutschkreuz, then in Seibersdorf in Lower Austria and from 1660 in Pottendorf. There are not many data about Nádasdy's stay in Sárvár in his itinerary either, which throws new light on the representative modernization of the castle and the need to create a new residence. Concerning functions, it is illumining to compare Sárvár with Deutschkreuz where the family is documented to have spent lengthier periods regularly in the second half of the 1650s with frequent guests. That is probably why around 1657 a two-level “Saalgebäude” of several rooms was built in Deutschkreuz. It must also be attributable to function that the Sárvár castle was representatively impersonal, “Prunkappartement”-like. There are few data to suggest what role the castle was assigned in the 1650s, but they tend to reveal that after the reconstruction and furnishing with art works Sárvár was to be the venue of ceremonial hospitality as the occasional protocol venue of Nádasdy's official matters in Hungary.

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Orvosi Hetilap
Gábor Xantus
Allen Penny
Sharon E. Norman
, and
Péter László Kanizsai

Hernández G, Ospina-Tascón GA, Damiani LP, et al. Effect of a resuscitation strategy targeting peripheral perfusion status vs serum lactate levels on 28-day mortality among patients with septic shock: the ANDROMEDA

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teljesen más, mint myelomában: a két érintett FLC különbsége [dFLC] kell hogy 40 mg L −1 alatt legyen ehhez), az a beteg nem fog sohasem jó választ elérni, és ezért ez indok a terápiaváltásra. Az ANDROMEDA vizsgálatban tesztelt daratumumab–CyBorDex a

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-rosemary ( Andromeda polifolia L.). Tilia 7 , 87–88. (In Hungarian) Bartha D. Bog-rosemary (Andromeda polifolia L.) Tilia 1999

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detectors . Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 369 : 89 – 96 10.1111/j.1365-2966.2006.10262.x . Slipher , VM 1912 The radial velocity of the Andromeda Nebula

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. The Chorus of the Hippolytus are perhaps justified in calling Eros a tyrant, given the destructive nature of Phaedra's love for Hippolytus, but when Perseus addresses Eros in the Andromeda , he also calls him “the turannos of gods and humans”. 77

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Of the 260 native dendrotaxa, 9 were extinct ( Andromeda polifolia subsp. polifolia, Ostrya carpinifolia, Ribes petraeum, Rosa glauca,R. stylosa,Salix myrsinifolia subsp. myrsinifolia – the latter’s planted stand elsewhere has become established

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oddly, when Perseus killed the sea monster Poseidon sent to ravage Ethiopia and then rescued the intended victim, Andromeda, Poseidon did not punish Ethiopia further. Later the story repeated at Troy with Hesione and Heracles. Again, Poseidon did not

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