In the present paper a Hungarian Krishna devotee’s attitude towards Christianity is being scrutinized. It is postuleted that the devotee’s re-interpretation of Christian doctrines of faith can be regarded as an aim of inculturation which is in accordance with his religious community’s main principles. The temporary virtual communities formed by readers leaving comments are also included in the analysis.
In this paper the author studies the relationship of Christian communities in Pannonia. On the basis of literary (esp. Victorinus of Poetovio) and epigraphical sources it can be stated that the first communities were of Greek origin. The knowledge of Greek can be pointed out in Latin inscriptions as well. Especially the case of Sirmium was studied. In the present paper the author reinterpreted a Greek and a Latin inscription from Sirmium and Savaria as Christians.
historical and contemporary religions – Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Judaism, Islam, and Christianity – providing widespread confirmation of entheogens in the formation of the major world religions, which often left evidence of these practices in art. – There
meanings like fidelis ‘faithful’ 98 and pius ‘pious’ as well as borrowings from Greek like presbyter ‘priest’ 99 are neologisms that reflect the spread of Christianity. The most common lexical features are the substitution of patres (often
Recent research has increasingly questioned the “grand dichotomy” between “Paganism” and Christianity and brings into light the prominence of spaces with shared meanings in diverse cults related to mystic beliefs and practices. An excellent example is Vibia's tomb within Praetextatus' catacomb, on the Via Appia. Dated to the 4th century AD, this place combines epigraphy and a fascinating iconography pointing to a mystic initiation of the deceased within a syncretic context.
The Cumans, also known as Kipchaks and Polovcians, flourished during the 11th–13th centuries in the territory of the East European steppe. At the beginning of the 13th century the Hungarian Kingdom turned its attention to the Cumans. As a consequence, in 1227 Bortz, the fourth chieftain of the Cumans, sent his son, along with a retinue, to Esztergom, the seat of the Hungarian Archbishop, to embrace Christianity. The Dominican missionaries baptised Bortz and his people. This act was motivated by political considerations on both the Cuman and Hungarian sides.The aim of this paper is threefold. First, it analyses Bortz’s name and his position occupied among the Cuman leaders. Secondly, the complicated problem of the habitat of the Cuman group led by Bortz is investigated. Finally, the motives for his conversion to Christianity are discussed.
This article is about realities embedded in the notions of “religiosity” and “Armenian religious identity” in contemporary Armenia. It is focused on some patterns of the Armenian national religion and official forms of Armenian Apostolic Christianity. In particular, the article discusses links, attitudes, interrelations, contradictions and mutual influences of doctrinal Armenian Apostolic Christianity and its vernacular versions. The Armenian version of vernacular Christianity includes the religious practices of worshipping local saints, magic, healing and divination. An attempt to outline three conventional models of religiosity within the Armenian Apostolic Christian identity, those of “grassroots”, “privatized”, and “fundamental”, has been made in the paper, and the main patterns of attitudes among these models are discussed. In fact, these models of religiosity represent different religious subcultures, with different systems of signs and different patterns of religious mentality, though sharing the symbols, values, and priorities of Armenian Apostolic Christian identity at the national level.
Drawing on the testimonia of the Antiquity and the relevant special literature, the paper outlines and summarizes the three cardinal point under discussion which have emerged in connection with the education and youth of Julianus Apostata (361-363). They are the following: the emperor's date of birth; the date of his exilement and deportation to Macellum; the year of his initiation into the Mithras cult. The author's primary interest is centered on the date of the emperor's banishment, as he thinks that Julianus elected to finally abandon Christianity already in Macellum, before his formal introduction to the cult. Considering his age, Julianus may have stayed on the Cappadocian estate between 345 and 351.