, and music. 1. Dante and Christus: Two Concerts as Keys to Liszt’s Perception in Rome On the occasion of the 25-year-jubilee of the Pest Conservatory, Liszt conducted the first movement of his Symphonie zu Dantes Divina Commedia 16 (which had already
It is evident that The Three Kings march of the Christus oratorio by Liszt is a verbunkos associated with the Eastern identity of Hungarians. What message did Liszt, who used musical motifs very consciously, wish to convey to the people of his time? I will approach the question not from a musicological aspect, but in the form of a cultural-studies type research. On the basis of the studies of Jácint Rónay and János Erdélyi dealing with national characterology, I wish to highlight how the Hungarian national identity and the myth of Eastern origin were related. I shall also examine in my paper paintings that bear close connection with the piece in question. Among these, Adoration of the Magi by Stephan Lochner is of vital importance, as according to the biographer of Liszt, Lina Ramann, it was the inspirational source of the movement in question of the Christus oratorio. The study attempts to find an answer to the relationship between the Lochner painting and The Three Kings march as well; and we shall see that it is also related to the question of the Eastern identity of the Hungarians.
The paper describes a unique masterpiece of baroque graphic art: a copper engraving by G. B. Göz (1708-1774) for a so-called crucifix clockwork typical of the 17th-18th century. The engraving in the Collection of Pannonhalma Benedictine Monastery - exhibited for the first time on the occasion of the Millennium - illustrates the episodes of the last 24 hours of Jesus Christ's life on earth, with a large variety of biblical motifs and rich “rocaille” decorations.
Leonardo’s Adoration of the Magi’s (Galleria degli Uffizi) belongs to an iconographic and semantic tradition, which beneficed of an extraordinary evolution during the second half of the fifteenth century. In such representations the poor wooden construction described by the Bible is combined with the ruins of splendid classical buildings and mean the beginning of Christianity on one hand and the submitted pagan era on the other. A comparison of the two drawings of Leonardo, held in the Louvre and the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe of the Uffizi, and the unfinished painting reveals the various steps of the development of the architectural background. Recent ultraviolet studies identified different solutions, conceived and then abandoned by Leonardo, which allow to reconstruct the ruins and architectural fragments in a more detailed manner. In the first version, the Holy family is placed before a heterogeneous structure of wood and stone, while an antique ruin with two flights of stairs raises on the right side. The drawing of the Uffizi focuses its attention on this ruin now shifted to the left side, while the stairs advance strongly toward the centre. On the right side a fragment of a classical order completes the feature, which evokes an antique forum. In the painting the Holy family is situated is the foreground, without any wooden construction to protect them, and the ruin, whose structure and position is slightly changed, is linked to it by the moving of figures and animals. Like in the drawing of the Uffizi many busy craftsmen reveal that the ruin is intended as a building site.
The parallel flights remind us of the church of San Sebastiano in Mantua, built according to Leon Battista Alberti’s project, and seems to have been inspired by the Roman temple of Claudius. In Lorenzo de’ Medici’s villa of Poggio a Caiano, begun in 1485, such a pattern had been adopted for the first time in a private building, introducing a complete metamorphosis of this type. Vasari records that several architects proposed drawings for this villa and if such a competition had taken place before Leonardo left Florence in 1482, the latter could have seen sketches or models, like those of Giuliano da Sangallo, and perhaps even proposed his own project. This could explain his interest for architectural features in his Adoration, a concern less present in his other paintings. No document confirms the hypothesis of a direct link between Lorenzo’s villa and the ruin of the Adoration, but it is sure that the latter one is nearly connected to the entourage of Lorenzo de’ Medici who promoted in this years a renewal of architectural typologies and idioms, founded on the principles of Leon Battista Alberti, the spiritus rector of Lorenzo’s youth.
When Perugino finished in 1496 another Adoration for the Augustans of San Scopeto he privileged the poor stable conformingly to the biblical tradition, perhaps as required by the monks. Leonardo’s ruin as building-site, as an original metaphor of the new Christian religion, had only little Nachleben. A significant testimony is however an Adoration about 1522/1523 attributed to Sebastiano Serlio, who could have known Leonardo’s bold architectural background through his master Baldassarre Peruzzi.
Singing mendicant beggars (kaliki perechožie), who, for the most part, were blind or crippled and could be found everywhere in Russia before the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, were only later, i.e. secondary, carriers of Russian religious songs (duchovnye stichi). The primary composers and performers of Eastern-Slavic religious folk songs were mediators between the Orthodox Christian Church and the people. Mendicant pilgrim beggars in Old Russia regarded themselves as those among the few selected by God. They practised their vocation of begging alms with approval from Jesus Christ. They “were baptized into Christ and clothed themselves with Christ”. From this, it follows that treating beggars to a meal or giving them alms was the same as treating Christ and giving the alms to him. The holy beggars of Old Russia were pilgrims: mendicant icons of Christ. With their life, they were meant to encourage others to purify their own icon-like quality received from God, and thus become similar to Christ.
termett: “Botrus iste pendens ex ligno utique Christus ex ligno crucis, promissus gentibus salutaris de terra genitricis Mariae, secundum carnem terrenae stirpis visceribus effusus.” In Numeros 15, Migne PL 83, 346 C. Vö. O. Nussbaum: Die große Traube
Franciscus alter Christus képnek a bolognai Antonio Leonelli da Crevalcore festménye is (The Art Museum, Princeton University), ahol Szent Ferenc mint Vir dolorum jelenik meg (vö. Edwin James Mundy: ‘Franciscus alter Christus’: The intercessory function
The small panel painting of The Madonna lactansin a Landscape in the Christian Museum of Esztergom was attributed by its former owners to Petrus Christus. The composition derives from a popular painting by Robert Campin, The Virgin in an Apse. The technical examinations of the painting proved, that the panel is heavily overpainted. Allthough the dendrochronological examinations proved that the panel itself is from 1445–1455, the style of the painting is close to Barend van Orley.
The influence of Byron on Liszt was enormous, as is generally acknowledged. In particular the First Book of the Années de pèlerinage shows the poet’s influence in its choice of Byron epigraphs in English for four of the set of nine pieces. In his years of travel as a virtuoso pianist Liszt often referred to “mon byronisme.” The work by Byron that most affected Liszt is the long narrative poem Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage which was translated into many languages, including French. The word “pèlerinage” that replaced “voyageur” is a Byronic identity in Liszt’s thinking. The Byronic hero as Liszt saw him and imitated him in for example Mazeppa and Tasso is a figure who represented a positive force, suffering and perhaps a revolutionary, but definitely not a public enemy. Liszt’s life, viewed as a musical pilgrimage, led of course to Rome. Is it possible that Byron even influenced him in this direction? In this paper I try to give a portrait of the real Byron that hides behind the poseur of his literary works, and suggest that what drew Liszt to the English poet was precisely the man whom he sensed behind the artistic mask. Byron was not musical, but he was religious — as emerges from his life and his letters, a life which caused scandal to his English contemporaries. But today we can see that part of the youthful genius of the rebel Byron was his boldness in the face of hypocrisy and compromise — his heroism was simply to be true. In this we can see a parallel with the Liszt who left the piano and composed Christus. What look like incompatibilities are simply the connection between action and contemplation — between the journey and the goal. Byron, in fact, can help us follow the ligne intérieure which Liszt talked about in the 1830s.