In this paper the author studies the relationship of Christian communities in Pannonia. On the basis of literary (esp. Victorinus of Poetovio) and epigraphical sources it can be stated that the first communities were of Greek origin. The knowledge of Greek can be pointed out in Latin inscriptions as well. Especially the case of Sirmium was studied. In the present paper the author reinterpreted a Greek and a Latin inscription from Sirmium and Savaria as Christians.
A passage from the Gospel
of John (1, 17) is examined in the paper from the aspect of syndetic vs.
asyndetic features in Coptic and Greek. After a brief introduction to the
attitude of the two languages towards text-cohesion and the techniques with
which words and ideas are linked within a text, the Gospel passage is analyzed,
the Greek and Coptic versions of which seem to contradict the basic nature of
the two languages. Raising the question of bilingualism in Egypt, and that of
Greek-Coptic lingustic influences, the short study concludes that the passage
is an example of the syntactic influence of the Greek language over Coptic,
which shows that the use of particles and conjunctions for text cohesion had
been planted so deeply in the last phase of the Egyptian language that these
connective elements are used in translation even when the original text has
none. Both bilingualism and the intense translation practice helped the process
of such a syntactic change that particles including conjunctions were tolerated
or even required in sentences where they had not been needed before.
The publication of a new edition of the poetry of Constantine Petros Cavafy in Hungarian translation in 2006 added a degree of nuance to the prevailing literary translational techniques in Hungary because Balázs Déri’s translations of the poems not included in the 1968 edition made a departure towards domestication from the commonly used reconstructional method. This caused different understandings of Cavafy’s poetry as well as various images of the poet in Hungarian culture. Furthermore, in the same year, the publication of András Ferenc Kovács’s Cavafy transcriptions, that is, his pseudo-translations, further influenced our understanding of the Alexandrian poet. In this article, after offering a brief overview of various methods of translation prominent in 20th century Hungarian culture, I aim at pointing out that the first edition of Cavafy’s poems in Hungarian used the typical model of reconstruction, whereas Déri’s new, 2006 translation is a move away towards domestication. Having analyzed four poems in the original Greek and their Hungarian translation, I would like to point to the necessity of diversity in literary translation; having different types of Cavafy also means understanding contemporary Hungarian poetry from multiple angles.
This paper is meant to re-examine the relative (and, at some points, absolute) chronology of some Early Greek changes of the occlusive phonemes (i.e. devoicing of Proto-Indo-European voiced aspirates, assibilation and palatalizations) and to point out some apparent questions and problems concerning the occlusive system as a whole.
Based on antique sources and on new prosopographic investigations it is clear that it is not appropriate to talk about professional competitors (“Berufsathletentum”) in the antiquity. This is evident in the case of costly chariot and horse races. Also in the case of pankration, which has been associated with professionalism most often, it can be contended that the most successful competitors were all members of wealthy noble families and they could not have financial motivations. Distinguishing between amateurism and professionalism is a modern creation. These concepts had no equivalents in the Greek language. The term amateur is derived from the Latin word amator through French, the meaning of which is toto genere different. The same is true for the derivations of the Latin professio, professionalis. The general conception concerning professional sports in the antiquity is still anachronystic and outdated.
The article deals on the Greek loan words in the Bulgarian standard language. The main target of the article is to show in which fields of life the use of the Greek loan words is dominating and in which not. We excepted the loan words in the Bulgarian dialects, because the situation is too different from that in the standard language, and also the loan words, which came by Greek mediation into the Bulgarian language. So we found out, that only ten percent of the Greek loan words are common for all Bulgarian dialects. The existence of the Greek loan words is only to compare with the Turkish loan words. The comparison of both groups shows, that the influence of the greek group is quite different from that of the Turkish. The Greek language took the longest influence on the Bulgarian, however there are lots of Greek words, which are not genuine Greek.
The present paper is based on materials of different genres and different styles of Ukrai- nian written monuments of the 16th and the 17th centuries (acts, court documents, wills, deeds, documents of church and school fraternities, chronicles, works of religious, polemi- cal and fiction, memos of scientific and educational literature, liturgical literature, episto- lary heritage, etc.) which are included in the source database of the Dictionary of Ukrainian language of the 16th century and the first half of the 17th century and its unique lexical card index, which is stored at the Ukrainian Language Department in the I. Krypiakevych Institute of Ukrainian Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (Lviv). The composition and structural organization of Church Slavonic lexemes meaning ‘God; God’s face’ as well as their origin and history are studied.
It was found that the register of this vocabulary included more than fifty phonetic and graphic Church Slavonic elements expressing the concept of ‘God; God’s face’ different in word-forming structure. The main attention is paid to the etymological analysis of the studied tokens, which was primarily to clarify their semantic etymon. It is established that the analyzed Church Slavonicisms are mostly semantic loans from the Greek language, which preserved their semantics from ancient times to the Old Ukrainian period.
It is observed that some studied tokens often act as core components of various two-, three-, or four-membered lexicalized phrases. The most active multifunctional core com- ponent was the token Lord. It is established that fixed phrases and phraseologisms are of different types in structure, mostly two-component noun + adjective phrases (sporadically, there are other lexical-grammatical models, too: “noun + noun”, “preposition + adjective”). Much less observable are three-component formations (“noun + verb + pronoun“, “verb + pronoun + noun“) and four-component models (“verb + preposition + pronoun + noun”).
It was found that the Church Slavonic words attested in the Ukrainian memos of the 16th and the 17th centuries did not undergo significant semantic changes in the process of formation of religious vocabulary. Some Church Slavonicisms have gone through a partial semantic modification, and some have acquired new semantics due to fixed phrases. Some words that point to God’s face are characterized by polysemy and synonymy.
The evolution of the analyzed Church Slavonicisms is different. Some of them have survived to our time and are actively used in the Ukrainian literary language or dialects, while others function only in a special area: in the church practice of the Byzantine rite (Orthodox Church of Ukraine, Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church).
This case study exposes the potentiality of combining the philological and codicological methods for the study of the Greek manuscripts of the royal library at Buda. In 1515 Jacopo Bannisio, the secretary of Maximilian I sent Greek books to Willibald Pirckheimer. The data for the analysis can be gleaned from the surviving correspondence of Maximilian I, J. Bannisio, J. Cuspinianus and W. Pirckheimer as well as from Pirckheimer's translating activity. The careful analysis of these sources led to the conclusion that two Greek manuscripts (Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 284 and London, British Library, Arundel 527–528) can be regarded as the archetypes used for several translations by Pirckheimer and both must be seen as part of the donation sent in 1515.
In the editio princeps of the letters of Basil the Great and Gregory of Nazianzus (Hagenau 1528), V. Opsopoeus declared that the archetype, which is philologically found to be identical with ms Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 284, originated in the royal library of Buda. It was also on the basis of this Oxford codex that Pirckheimer referred to the Hungarian origin of another Greek manuscript containing the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus, recently identified as Vienna ÖNB suppl. gr. 177. The Hungarian provenance of the latter has been confirmed on codicological grounds. Since J. Gremper brought several Latin volumes from Buda in 1513 and 1514 and was the owner of the other donated manuscript (Arundel 528), he seems to have been responsible for acquiring both Greek volumes and handing them over to Bannisio, who was coordinating various businesses of the emperor including some textual editions.
Maximilian's donation was part of the cooperative preparations of a famous giant woodcut, the Triumphal Arch (Ehrenpforte). The Greek volumes were transported by Stabius, the designer of its basic concept, to Pirckheimer who undertook a major role in elaborating its iconographic conception and phrasing its inscriptions, while Pirckheimer's friend Albrecht Dürer made most of the woodcuts. The date of the donation is the year of the completion of the Triumphal Arch; the main motive behind it must have been the attempt to persuade Pirckheimer to translate into Latin Zonaras's Byzantine world chronicle that was also taken earlier from Buda.
The two simple paper manuscripts in Greek do not fit into the set of illuminated Latin codices of the Corvina Library. However, annotations written in similarly plain Greek paper codices and Francesco Massaro's account of 1520 also verify the presence of such Greek manuscripts in the Buda palace. In addition, the contents of Maximilian's book donation also parallel those of the volumes in Greek language that are recorded to have been in Buda. Thus, the simultaneous study of humanists' correspondence and textual editions – although without utter certainty – may lead to the identification of “lost” codices and help recognize volumes originating from the Hungarian royal library, whose whereabouts are currently unknown. It may also call attention to the fact that the examination of apographs – manuscripts and printed editions alike – also helps the reconstruction of the Corvina Library as they may also carry traces that allude to one or another manuscript used as their archetypes originating from Buda.
: Görögnyelvű monostorok Szent István korában (Greeklanguage monastories from the time of King Stephen). In: J. Serédi (ed.) Emlékkönyv Szent István király halálának kilencszázadik évfordulóján, I. Budapest 1938, 389-422.