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To be a Jew in communist Hungary between 1948-1989 was to be a person carrying a stigma. Jewish identity was suppressed in public and in many cases in private. Since the demise of the communist regime Hungarian Jews have begun to proclaim their identity publicly. In short Jews are “coming out”. In this paper I describe the ways in which Jewish identity is expressed and I analyse the factors, both internal and external that have facilitated such expression.

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related to being a Hungarian Jew: “[T]his results in his becoming honestly patriotic though having started out as a Jewish boy from Dunaszerdahely. No wonder that during his wandering in Persia, upon arriving in Persepolis he writes on the ancient ruins

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Hungarian Studies
Authors:
Kristian Feigelson
and
Catherine Portuges

This paper explores intersections of memory and cinematic representation in contemporary Hungarian film culture. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, with the concomitant financial crisis in Hungarian cinema, a number of films have foregrounded questions of Jewish identity, a taboo subject on Hungarian screens after 1945 when nationalistic historiography supported an official government culture of denial with regard to responsibility for the deportation and extermination of some 550 000 Hungarian Jews. The production of relatively few narrative and documentary films on this subject, the essay suggests, is perhaps in part attributable to the fact that the Hungarian uprising of 1956 tended to eclipse the drama of Jewish deportation and genocide. The authors consider post-socialist filmmakers’ uses of the past in the context of the country’s current nationalistic climate, interrogating the impact of controversal films such as László Nemes’s Son of Saul (2015, Grand Prix, Cannes Film Festival ; Academy Award for best foreign film) within a Hungarian society still conflicted about its Holocaust trauma.

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Christian churches both Catholic and Protestant experienced a renewal of their theology and a revival of their impact on society in the interwar period; and they could count on the continuous good will of the conservative Horthy regime. Convinced that the leading role of Jewish intellectuals in the 1918-1919 revolutionary upheaval resulted the near ruin of the traditional society and amidst the shock caused by the collapse of historical Hungary, some leading members of Protestant churches endorsed various forms of political anti-Semitism, including the acceptance of some type of curtailment of religious equality, which had once been acclaimed as a significant achievement of nineteenth-century Protestant liberalism. While maintaining their sympathy for the Horthy regime till the very last, the leaders of the churches opposed the persecution and deportation of Hungarian Jews, which began escalating after March 1944. This paper will discuss some of the possible contexts of the Reformed Church's public statements concerning the Holocaust after 1945 and will focus mainly on the writings and sermons of the leading figure of the Reformed Church Bishop László Ravasz (1882-1975).

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Imre Kertész was among the 82,000 Hungarian Jews who returned in 1945. The transition from camp to home, the adjustment fom adolescent trauma to adult life is only hinted at in his works. This paper situates Kertész in the identity crisis of the immediate postwar period. The confusion of displaced identities in the aftermath of WWII, prompted psychologist Erik Erikson to universalize the adolescent identity crisis as a central contemporary problem. In Hungary not only Jews but the entire society was reforging identities. Borders were porous, so were political and religious affiliations. Kertész's identity was defined, at least in a negative way, by the Holocaust: as a Jew without being a Jew, as a survivor when it was best to keep quiet. He lived in the constant of the world of Buchenwald and of Stalinist Hungary, with their constricted options and ideological imperatives fashioned upon twisted idealisms. His recreation of the Holocaust in Fateless and of the existentialist experience of living with memory in Kaddish, has made for disquieting reading abroad, as well. In ignoring heroic clichés he has transgressed the identity of victim and victimizer.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spit_cake . 4 In Hungarian, the word “igen’ means yes. “Igen migen, haf de fliegen,’ is a slightly mocking expression used for Hungarian Jews, translating roughly to “Hungarian Jews, go jump in the lake.’ (Source: IgenMigen

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remain a foreigner all my life. This is my experience in a place that is, on the whole, very hospitable, but which does not consider me an Italian, because whenever someone writes about me, I am referred to as a Hungarian Jew or a Hungarian author. People

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Cousins von Herzl, Jenő Heltai, wird darauf hingewiesen, dass Herzl sowohl für den Lloyd als auch für das Journal schrieb. Vgl. Andor Zsoldos: Theodor Herzl. Emlékezések [Erinnerungen]. New York, World Federation of Hungarian Jews, 1981, S. 14. 14

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Zsidók Lapja [The Journal of Hungarian Jews]. In 1944, it became the Magyarországi Zsidók Lapja [The Journal of Jews in Hungary]. Following the Holocaust, after 1945, the social newspaper of Neolog Jewry, which still operates today, was published as

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newly formed Czechoslovak Republic, Slovaks, Hungarians, Jews, as well as recently immigrated Czechs, preserved their old social networks or created new ones. 90 The Kazinczy Circle as melting pot The membership list of the Kazinczy Circle represents how

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