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“The Impact of 1956 on the Hungarians of Transylvania”, provides a 50-year retrospective analysis of the political consequences of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 on the Hungarians in neighboring Romania. It focuses on the inter-ethnic knock-on effects in the Romanian Workers Party, the “Hungarian/Mures-Hungarian Autonomous Region”of Transylvania, and the cultural institutions of the Hungarian minority. It links these developments to present-day Romanian-Hungarian relations, both on the interstate and the intrastate levels.
The role of the popular play in preserving natinal identity
The example of Velika Pisanica, Croatia, with additional reference to Burgenland and Slovenia
Ethnographic inquiry into the folk culture of the Carpathian Basin, with particular reference to developmental trends, has revealed much new information regarding the lives of Hungarians abroad, especially regarding changing living conditions within Hungarian populations now living outside historically redrawn Hungarian state borders. It would be no exaggeration to claim that these Hungarians have, to the present day, lived under extraordinarily diverse circumstances, and that the preservation of folk culture in the minority national environment has been a decisive factor in the maintenance of their national identity. For this culture to survive and grow, however, it is essential that members of the national group learn and use their native Hungarian tongue.The present study concerns itself with the historic genre of the popular play, a cultural phenomenon that has played a special role in this regard and that in some places, both in the recent past, and today, still bears considerable significance in the preservation of minority national identity. Accordingly, this study will not extend to actual folk dramatics, though it will make reference to certain intersections and possible relationships where it seems natural to do so.
requisite training as well as modern infrastructure for bottom-up cultural or heritage-forming initiatives. In this respect, the visible heritage- and tradition-formation activities in the Hungarian minority community in today's Transcarpathia are a
On the basis of the data selected from a statistical survey ( Nyelvi tiszteletadás a magyarban ), the author establishes that the first-name informal addressing continues to spread in Hungarian, while the third-name formal one is being forced back even in villages. However, there is a difference between the Hungarians of Hungary and the Hungarian minorities of surrounding countries. Among the latter Hungarians, the third-name formal addressing is used more frequently by children and grandchildren when they talk to their parents and grandparents.
The Bolyai University was the Hungarian half of the current Babeş-Bolyai University in Cluj/Kolozsvár, Transylvania. It was an independent Hungarian University until its merger with the Babeş University in 1959. This merged institution is one of the most important centers of higher education in present-day Romania. However, it has a past that can be traced back to the 16th century within the context of the independent Translvania of John Sigismund and Stephen Báthory. It later evolved into a Habsburg institution, then a Hungarian and a Romanian University. Finally, during World War II it operated as two separate institutions with Hungarian and Romanian faculties respectively. The two were merged by the Gheorghiu-Dej communist government in 1959. Ever since, Hungarian minority intellectuals have called for the restoration of the independent Boylai University. The current paper focuses on the independent Bolyai University between 1944 and 1959. It reflects on its role as the premier institution for the recruitment and training of the Hungarian minority’s cultural and educational elite. The paper links the fate of this institution to the communist transformation of Romania and its consequences for the Hungarians of Transylvania.
The journal Magyar Szemle (1927-1944), founded by Prime Minister István Bethlen and edited by the historian Gyula Szekfü, was the primary forum for the discussion of the revision of the Treaty of Trianon and the situation of the Hungarian minorities in the neighboring states. Rejecting all proposals for border revision on an ethnic basis, the journal espoused integral revisionism, or the restoration of the historical Kingdom of Hungary. The periodical's own position on revision is best illustrated by the “New Hungaria” essays of the legal scholar László Ottlik, published between 1928 and 1940, which hoped to win back the former national minorities through promises of wide-ranging autonomy within a re-established Greater Hungary.
This paper presents the autonomy movement of Voivodina, what has been achieved so far and why the pre-1990 autonomy could not have been attained. The Hungarians of Voivodina have traditionally been enthusiastic supporters of provincial autonomy despite the fact that Voivodina’s autonomy is not a kind of ethnic autonomy. This issue will be explored through a focus on the case of the Hungarian minority and the ways in which the autonomy of Voivodina benefits ethnic minorities. I will demonstrate that the current powers of provincial institutions have been sufficient to implement minority rights in Voivodina better than in the rest of Serbia, yet were not enough to prevent inter-ethnic incidents. I will also consider why provincial authorities could be better trusted regarding minority protection than the central government, including in dealing with future ethnic violence.
In spite of the remarkable political mobilization and disciplined ethnic voting of the Hungarian minority in Romania, major political objectives, seen by the political elite of the community as critical for the cultural reproduction of Hungarians in Romania, have proven to be unreachable since 1989 through the instruments of participation in the country’s political life. The paper explores the historical and contemporary reasons that contributed to this failure, and identifies conditions that could trigger a change. Various political projects of the Hungarians in Transylvania seeking integration on their own terms into the Romanian state since 1920, together with the circumstances that lead to their failure, are critically assessed. Based on considerable research conducted between 1995 and 2006, conflicting identity structures and competing ethnopolitical strategies are identified that divide the Romanian political community along ethnic fault-lines. The consequences of the divide are evaluated from the perspective of normative political philosophy and an answer is offered to the question which refers to the grounds on which Hungarians in Transylvania could (or could not) be considered part of the Romanian political community. The paper concludes by identifying alternative ways out of the current situation.
Az olaszországi Bolzano autonóm megyében élő kisebbségek jogainak védelméről és a bistro terminológiai projekt létrejöttének hátteréről
On the protection of rights of the minority communities living in the autonomous county of Bolzano, and the bistro terminology project
Absztrakt
Bolzano megyében a német ajkú kisebbség olyan összefüggő területi egységen él, amely elősegítette számára kisebbségi jogok kivívását és az autonómia kérdésének rendezését. A lakosság jelenlegi jóléte és a megye autonómiája azonban nem egyik pillanatról a másikra alakult ki, hanem évtizedek fejlődésének eredménye. Ez a fejlődés még napjainkban sem tekinthető lezártnak, sőt az európai integráció hatására folyamatosan változik. Érdemes megvizsgálni, hogyan alakult ki a jelenlegi állapot, és milyen jogi háttér biztosítja Olaszország e területén a német és a ladin nyelvi kisebbség önállóságát. Ebben fontos szerepet játszik a nyelvi kérdés is, amelyet a jogi terminológia tudatos kezelésével is igyekeznek támogatni. E vizsgálatok eredményei mintául szolgálhatnak a külföldön élő magyar kisebbség számára is.
References [1] Tóth P. P. Immigration to Hungary - Minority research books , (in
