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Almost each of the political forces and the great majority of the public saw no alternative to Euro-Atlantic integration, that is, accession to NATO and the EC (after 1992 the EU) when Hungary regained its independence in 1990. Membership in both organizations had a number of internal and external implications too. Budapest had to introduce sweeping reforms in practically all walks of life. Thus, for instance, NATO-membership required the establishment of a parliamentary democracy, a functioning market economy, and the observance of civil and human rights. At the same time, Hungary had to sign so-called basic treaties with three of its neighbors in which it again committed itself to peaceful relations and the renunciation of any attempt to regain territories it had lost to the countries affected after the First and the Second World Wars. EU-membership needed even more extensive restructuring of the various Hungarian institutions from law enforcement through finances to social services. In addition, Budapest expected that one of the major dilemmas of reconciling the so-called “Hungarian-Hungarian” question with the “good neighbor” policy would be settled within the framework of European integration. The expectations on behalf of the two sides have only been partially realized yet. Thus, Hungary consistently spends much less on defense than the required level within the Atlantic Alliance; Budapest has been trying to compensate with a relative prominent presence in foreign missions. As for the EU, the threat of a “second class membership” has not disappeared; in fact, after the beginning of the economic recession in 2008 it has even become a more realistic perspective; in reality, Hungary has had to accept a relative loss of power even in Central and Eastern Europe. However, Hungary has a vested interest in a “Strong Europe” (this was the official slogan of Hungary’s EU-Presidency during the first six months of 2011) in which “more Europe” should not exclude the country’s closer relations with other regions in the world.

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Absztrakt

Selye János egyaránt mély benyomást tett mind a magyar orvosi, tudományos, mind pedig a közéletre. 1938-ban értekezett először az Orvosi Hetilapban az alarm reakcióról. A háború utáni magyar kapcsolatai is széles körűek voltak és kiterjedtek nemcsak a hazai előadások és tudományos publikációk, hanem a magyar hallgatók montreali képzésére is. A gazdag levéltári anyag feltárása folyamatban van és minden bizonnyal izgalmas adatokat tartogat még számunkra. Orv. Hetil., 2015, 156(35), 1436–1440.

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Introduction American-Hungarian relations have a long history. Ever since the birth of the United States, the two nations have had informal and indirect connections, most of which were manifest in Hungarian immigrants

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“The Impact of 1956 on the Hungarians of Transylvania”, provides a 50-year retrospective analysis of the political consequences of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 on the Hungarians in neighboring Romania. It focuses on the inter-ethnic knock-on effects in the Romanian Workers Party, the “Hungarian/Mures-Hungarian Autonomous Region”of Transylvania, and the cultural institutions of the Hungarian minority. It links these developments to present-day Romanian-Hungarian relations, both on the interstate and the intrastate levels.

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A tanulmány annak a Moreai Krónikában ránk maradt egyedülálló irodalmi alkotásnak, középgörög „hőskölteménynek” eredetét és jellegzetességeit vizsgálja, amelynek főhőse a pelagóniai ütközetben vitézkedő Geoffroy de Bruyères. 2 Bár a szakirodalomban egyetértés van abban, hogy az epizódnak valószínűleg népköltészeti háttere lehet, egyes kérdések – így többek között a fellelhető irodalmi áthallások, az intertextuális összefüggések és nem utolsósorban a (krónika)írói szándékok – nincsenek érdemben feltárva. A tanulmány elsőként a Moreai Krónika keletkezésének történeti hátterét mutatja be röviden, a történelmi ismertetést elsősorban a műben tárgyalt eseményekre szűkítve, majd Geoffroy de Bruyères személyét és a róla írt hősköltemény lehetséges irodalmi párhuzamait tekinti át, végül pedig a pelagóniai ütközet magyar vonatkozásaira tér ki. A függelékben továbbá megtalálható a közel másfél száz verssor irodalmi fordítása.

The study examines the origins and characteristics of a unique Byzantine ‘epic’ in the Chronicle of Morea : the description of the Battle of Pelagonia and the exploits of Sir Geoffroy de Bruyères. Although the professional literature agrees on that the episode is likely based on folk poetry and oral tradition, many questions (such as literary crosstalk, intertextual connections, the author’s intentions etc.) remain unanswered. The study presents the historical context of the Chronicle, examines the person of Sir Geoffroy de Bruyères and the potential intertextual relations of his epic, and analyses the Hungarian relations of the Battle of Pelagonia. The literary translation of the nearly 150 lines of the battle is attached in the appendix.

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Abstract

Although a score of new studies have been published about the various aspects of the history of American–Hungarian relations in the past three decades, there are still a considerable number of uncovered chapters. The present article will introduce one of the American ministers who served in Hungary in the interwar years. Nicholas Roosevelt came from a well-known family that gave two presidents to the United States in the first half of the twentieth century, and the name helped him throughout his storied career. Since he had visited Hungary at the time of the establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in March 1919, he had first-hand experience regarding his host country. His service as American minister (1930–1933) fell in the first years of the unfolding Great Depression, which defined the basic conditions for Hungary, as well for the United States and Europe. Nicholas Roosevelt was an avid writer, and he left behind a plethora of both private and official documents containing, among other things, his thoughts and opinions about Hungary and Hungarians. Building this as a primary source, along with a number of secondary sources, the article will bring closer the economically and politically shaky days of Hungary in the early 1930s through the eyes of the American minister posted in Budapest, thereby enriching our knowledge about the relations between the two countries.

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Az önakadályozás pszichológiája

The psychology of self-handicapping: A review

Magyar Pszichológiai Szemle
Authors:
Lilla Török
,
Zsolt Péter Szabó
, and
Judit Boda-Ujlaky

Önakadályozásnak nevezzük azt a jelenséget, amikor bizonyos körülmények között adott személyiségváltozókkal jellemezhető egyének fontos teljesítményhelyzetek előtt saját maguk által felállított akadályokkal hátráltatják az eredményességüket. A tanulmány elején pontosan definiáljuk az önakadályozást, elhelyezzük a pszichológiai elméletek, valamint a szociálpszichológiai rokon fogalmak között. Az önakadályozás két formáját elkülönítve, a viselkedéses önakadályozást és a mondott akadályokat részletesen tárgyaljuk. Röviden kitérünk a jelenség hátterében meghúzódó motivációkra. A tanulmány elemzi az önakadályozást befolyásoló tényezőket, amelyeket két dimenzió — személyhez vagy környezethez köthető, serkenti vagy gátolja — mentén osztályoz. Az önakadályozás következményeit előnyös és hátrányos megosztásban csoportosítva vitatjuk meg. Az önakadályozás mérési lehetőségeinél bemutatjuk a kérdőíves és kísérleti módszereket. Az összefoglalás során kitérünk az eddig elvégzett elméleti és empirikus munka értékelésére, a gyakorlati alkalmazás kérdéseire, a magyar vonatkozásokra és a kutatási nehézségekre.

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Abstract

The article introduces a manuscript organically related to the 1416 visit of King Sigismund to England that has so far been unknown in Hungarian scholarship, moreover, its iconographic evidence, i.e. its ink drawings have not been sufficiently investigated in the international Sigismund-historiography. On surface level the textual references and the iconographic representation provide evidence for the Anglo-Hungarian, Anglo-German relations of the early fifteenth century. On the other hand, it also shed light to the Anglo-Continental relations of the 1480s–90s, the reign of King Richard III (1483–85). The so-calledWarwick-, or Rous Roll, a Middle English codex attributed to the household genealogist of the earls of Warwick, John Rous, also has a Latin variant – the Lancastrian Roll – held at the College of Arms (the college of the Garter King of Arms, collegium armorum) in London. The Pageant has been dated to varying dates between 1483 and 1492, though most scholars agree that the most probable date is between 1483 and 1485, the reign of Richard III. The Rous Rolls are dated a bit earlier, to the late 1470s or early 1480s. The British Library Catalogue puts the English roll between 1483 and 1485. The Latin manuscript might be even made earlier, between 1477 and 1485. All three narratives report on the close and even intimate relationship between the earl and King Sigismund of Luxemburg of Hungary, but from the point of view of Hungarian memoriae regum the first one, the Beauchamp Pageant is the most significant since it has precious iconographic evidence on the political activity, the court and the entourage of King Sigismund and Queen Barbara during the Council of Constance. Beyond giving an overview of the manuscript, this study aims to investigate how and from where the author and illuminator could have learnt of and gathered information on the Hungarian relations of the earl and on what grounds the artist portrayed King Sigismund.

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Péter HM. Women as pharmacists. Hungarian relations of Transylvanian pharmacy. [Nők a gyógyszerész pályán. Az erdélyi gyógyszerészet magyar vonatkozásai.] Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület. Kolozsvár, 2002. [Hungarian

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Abstract

Győző Vásárhelyi (Victor Vasarely) and Denise René staged two exhibitions of Lajos Kassák in the Galerie Denise René in Paris, in 1960 and 1963. The organizers included former members of the European School now living in Paris and Kassák's avant-garde artistic connections, including Jean Arp, Sonia Delaunay, Étienne Hajdú, Vera Molnár and her husband Ferenc, Imre Pán, Michel Seuphor, Tristan Tzara. The art historical significance of these exhibitions was that they kept abreast of the contemporary West European and American artistic tendencies: along a linear art historical logic, they created continuity between the abstraction of the first two decades of the 20th century and – with a great leap in time – the geometric abstraction, op art and kinetic trends of the 1950s and 1960s. The basis to do so was, on the one hand, Kassák's oeuvre spanning from 1920 to 1960s, and on the other, the joint presentation of Kassák and Vasarely, as representatives of two periods. Their joint exhibitions and publication illustrated the vitality and continuous presence of the traditions of the Bauhaus workshop and the École de Paris in Hungarian art through Kassák's “return to Paris”. The correspondence preparing the Paris exhibitions outlines the joint artistic strategy of Denise René, Vasarely and Kassák. The moral and political background to the strategy also included the novel international evaluation of abstract art. When speaking of the first Paris Biennale of 1959 the French cultural minister André Malraux declared that “grand painting is no longer figurative” (“La grande peinture n'est plus figurative”) and “only abstract art counts”, in Hungary the predominant cultural–political marketing rejected contemporary art, preventing abstract artists from showing their works freely at home or abroad. Nevertheless, Kassák managed to realize two exhibitions in Paris, thanks to his above mentioned Paris connections and the former European School founders and members, notably Imre Pán, Étienne Hajdú, Pál Gegesi Kiss, as well as his old friend book publisher Lajos Lengyel and his own organizing skills. The partnership of Kassák and Vasarely was an adaptation of the artistic strategy of the age which was formulated also by Michel Ragon in his book The adventure of abstract art (L'aventure de l'art abstrait, 1956). In it he declared the continuity of the École de Paris on the basis of comprehensive documentation ranging from cubism, the Russian, Dutch, Czech and French geometric trends through the Bauhaus to Abstraction Création incorporating the Cercle et Carré, the Cobra group. Ragon concentrated on the convergence of the American and European abstraction, however, deriving the post-World War II situation from the Art Brut. As Michel Seuphor recalled, it was in the spring of 1960, after the ten-year monopoly of abstract expressionism, that the vigour of abstract geometric art became obvious as demonstrated by the exhibition Construction and Geometry in Painting staged in New York's Galerie Chalette. The “evolutionist” strategy gave rise to new possibilities in the art of the early 1960s and entailed the need to rewrite the history of art and to introduce a new curatorial attitude that was to affect the artmarket and had its impact on art itself.

Kassák's late creative period was influenced by this strategy in various senses. At the time of the preparations for the New York exhibition of 1959, Vasarely, aged 51, invited Kassák, then 72, the Hungarian pioneer of Dadaism, activism, neo-geometrism, constructivism based on architectural principles, to exhibit in Galerie Denise René in Paris. At the same time, Vasarely put his works on display upstairs in the gallery. The parallel showing of Kassák “the source” and Vasarely as “contemporary follower” was well timed: it came a month before the monumental New York exhibition which illustrated the same continuity between the Russian, German, Czech, French and Polish early avant-garde “ancestors” and the contemporary representative of geometric abstraction. In New York Kassák was not present. After their first joint exhibition in Paris, a common serigraph album was also published including Kassák's manifesto of 1922 and Vasarely's text of 1960. Victor Vasarely was the co-curator of Galerie Denise René, who also featured as a diplomat resuming the French-Hungarian relations with the Paris showings. His activities encompassed art, international cultural relations, and commerce. Lajos Kassák was prepared for the pending action and in a few months' period he got the exhibition ready, which seemed impossible to bring about from a Hungary keeping aloof of the arena of contemporary art in the spirit of the Cold War. Between August and December 1959 Kassák managed to get the permissions for his works to leave the country and to get them transported. He got Ödön Gábor Pogány, general director of the Hungarian National Gallery, to preface the Paris catalogue. His long-time friend, photographer and book-designer Lajos Lengyel, the director of the Kossuth Press, printed the brown and black catalogue of the Galerie Denise René exhibition. Kassák's support at home had its consequences. Pogány was summoned by the Central Control Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party about the catalogue. He locked the material related to the Kassák catalogue among the confidential documents (Nr. 933). This file contains Kassák's original model for the catalogue, the linocut used for the cover and the bills of delivery, together with the summary note of Mrs Bökönyi, secretary of Pogány. The vernissage of Kassák's first exhibition in Paris was announced for 9–12 pm, 9 February 1960. The artist was not allowed to travel out of the country for the opening. Three years later, in 1963, Lajos Kassák and his wife were present at the opening of his next exhibition, as is revealed by Áron Tóbiás' interview, Lucien Hervé's photos and Pál Nagy's report. That was when Jean Cassou purchased the small Kassák picture for the Musée National de l'Art Moderne which is still there together with another Kassák picture that the artist presented as a gift. The two exhibitions meant for Lajos Kassák the last chance in both moral and material terms to break out from“the end of the world” towards Paris, in the name of the spatial and temporal continuity of avant-garde art. This is exactly why his admirers in Paris were attracted to the “constructivist Kassák” and not to the painter of lyrical abstractions as he was at that time. It namely logically followed from the “evolutionist” exhibiting strategy postulating continuity between the 1920s and the 1960s that continuity in style was also required. In Hungary, some historians charged Kassák with having a “fragmented” oeuvre.

Continuity of the paths – the Magyar Műhely periodical The “evolutionist” conception, however, opened easy-totread paths for many. The occasion of Kassák's second Paris showing was a good opportunity for the Hungarian artists living in Paris, including the founders of the periodical Magyar Műhely (Hungarian Workshop) launched in 1962 (József Czudar, László Márton, Pál Nagy, Tibor Papp, János Parancs, Imre Szakál and Ervin Pátkai, later Gyula Sipos alias Pál Albert) to meet Kassák in person. The young intellectuals fleeing from various areas of Hungary after the 1956 revolution and usually identifying themselves with a “regional” attitude arrived in a Europe, in a Paris with radically active leftist intellectuals, which was, by the way, the metropolis of art. At the age of 18–20, they wanted to become “contemporaries”. Partly upon the inspiration of the Kassák exhibitions, the founders-editors of Magyar Műhely decided to reject the “exiled” attitude and run a periodical that would support the Hungarian avant-garde art that was banned or neglected at home by giving it a forumto appear. They decided tomap and support Hungarian avant-garde art as such. First they reached back to Kassák's art claiming that “revival is only possible within continuity”. As a tribute to the ancestor, they devoted an issue to him in 1965. Basically the whole editorial board agreed about Kassák's neglect in Hungary and his international artistic significance. “The first conclusion we can draw fromthe collected works exhibited at Galerie Denise René is the unbroken advance of Kassák. If in the twenties the editor of MA did perhaps more with his theoretical and organizing activity for the dissemination of constructivist art than with his pictures, in the past decades it was practically Kassák alone who translated the one-time principles into practice. The one-time principles whose essence was renewal. After a long and unsought silence, the companion of Picasso, Mondrian, Malevits and Moholy-Nagy is still speaking the same language as the cream of the international avant-garde looking for their salvation in creation instead of currying favour with the authorities or snobbish circles.” From a donation by Mrs Kassák, the editors of Magyar Műhely founded the Kassák Prize (1972) after the artist's death to reward talented young artists working in the spirit of the avant-garde. For years the prize was awarded to young artists in Hungary who thereby got interlaced in the fabric of the continuity of Hungarian avantgarde art. Adopting the strategy chosen by Kassák and Vasarely, the young editors of Magyar Műhely and its following started to write a new chapter in the history of the École de Paris.

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