advice and kind support.
For the Homeric Text, I mainly refer to the OCT , Prendergast’s concordance (P rendergast , G. L.: A Complete Concordance to the Iliad of Homer . Hildesheim 1983 [1st ed. London 1869]), Tebben’s concordance (T ebben , J. R
The idiom of the scales of justiceis commonly known and widely used. Iustitia can frequently be seen in different representations holding scales in her hand. The scales as a means or a symbol of justice (justness) or the administration of justice can be encountered in various places in Greek literature, one of its earliest instances being the Homeric Hermes' Hymn (Dikés talanta). According to these loci Zeus holds the scales of Diké, that is to say, the scales of justice in his hand. In the Iliad (23, 109-213) one may come across a scene presented in context, thus suitable for being more amply analysed, in which Zeus is pronouncing justice over the heroes using a pair of scales. In search of the meaning of Dikés talanta, this study tries to clarify the concept of law and justice (justness) in Homeric epic (I.), then by a structural (II.) and comparative analysis (III.) of certain lines of the weighing scene, decisive in the combat of Achilles and Hector, it formulates a few remarks on the origin and meaning of the concept of the scales of justice. One cannot claim that this idea of Egyptian religion had been transferred in its entirety into Greek thinking, but it is not surprising, as one can barely encounter an unaltered Egyptian borrowing in Greek mythological thinking. Nonetheless, some Egyptian influence, possibly with Cretan transmission, can be detected in the development of the Greek versions of psykhostasia and kerostasia. Pictorial as well as textual manifestations of such influence can be found on the one hand in vase-paintings, and on the other hand-undergoing a specific alteration of aspect in the form of kerostasia-in Homer, who paved the way for the scales of justice of Zeus and Iuppiter to become the symbol of Diké and Iustitia, and subsequently of the administration of justice itself.
All three descriptions of dawn in Statius’
(1. 242–5; 1. 819–20; 2. 1–4) are tightly connected to the “metamorphoses” of Achilles in the poem. These passages also recall the dawn opening
19, and the Homeric system of metaphors and symbols comparing the hero’s return to battle to the arrival of light and dawn. A particularly complex connection between Achilles’ exposure and the sunrise is established in the third Statian passage under discussion, which can also be interpreted as a possible prediction of Achilles’ future as an epic and elegiac hero. The
genitor coruscae lucis
mentioned in this passage can be identified as Iuppiter/Diespiter; as a consequence, the description sheds some light on the god’s role in the
The study examines one of the shield-descriptions of Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica. Its main aim is to demonstrate that Valeris Flaccus altered Canthus’ story in accordance with his literary purposes. The poet depicts the shield of Canthus in the catalogue of the Argonauts mentioning that the hero had inherited this famous shield from his father, Abas, albeit according to the mythology he is not known to have any shield. The paper displays how many other Abases there were in Greek mythology and in Roman literature having a shield and it is argued that Valerius Flaccus was influenced by the coincidence of names and transformed the original story of Canthus (which can be read in Apollonius Rhodius) in order to imitate his literary models: Vergil, Ovid and the Iliad. Furthermore, the author rewrites the story of Canthus so that the Argonaut can be paralleled with Patroclus. Consequently, Canthus must be an important person of the epic which is highlighted by Valerius Flaccus in several ways and his shield has to have a literary function.
ében olvasható három hajnalleírás (1. 242–5; 1. 819–20; 2. 1–4) szorosan kapcsolódik Achilles „átváltozásaihoz” a műben. E részletek felidézik az
19. énekét nyitó hajnalt, valamint azt a homérosi metafora- és szimbólumrendszert is, mely a hős harcba való visszatérését a fény, illetve a hajnal érkezéséhez hasonlítja. Különösen összetett kapcsolat fedezhető fel Achilles hőssé való visszaváltozása és a napfelkelte között a harmadik statiusi hajnalleírásban, melyet Achilles mint epikus és mint elégikus hős jövőjének lehetséges előrejelzéseként is értelmezhetünk. Az ugyanitt említett
genitor coruscae lucis
Iuppiterrel, illetve Diespiterrel azonosítható; a hajnalleírás ezáltal a főisten által az
ben játszott szerepet is árnyalja.
The paper offers a critical edition of Janus' translation, a comparison of this translation with Cicero's translation of the same passage and an analysis of its place among the translations of the period.
Fitzgerald , R. 1983 : The Aeneid . Random House
Johnston , P. A. 2012 : The Aeneid of Vergil. Norman
Lattimore , R. 1965 : The Iliad of Homer . Chicago
Mynors , R. A. 1969 : P. Vergilii Maronis Opera
Like other forms of treachery, translation can be either concealed or exposed. Though most literary translators work in the
dark and some embrace invisibility as an ideal, all translations can be situated along the continuum of illusionist-anti-illusionist
or domesticating-foreignizing. A variety of paratexts lay bare the devices of translation. The zero degree of translational
invisibility occurs in utilitarian prose that is designed simply to convey information. But the minimal way for a book to
make translation visible is to identify the name of the translator, on the title page if not on the cover and spine. A long
tradition of translator’s prefaces further undercuts the illusion of unmediated contact with a pure, primal text. So, too,
do the memoirs of translators. Second-degree translations can both display and conceal the derivative nature of the final
text. If there are reasons—such as vanity or commerce—to disguise a text’s origins in translation, there are also reasons
for pseudo-translations, texts that falsely claim to be translations. More than just an appendix to an Englishing of the Iliad and the Odyssey, Keats’s “On First Looking into Chapman’s Homer” is a poet’s tribute to the power of translation.
Karl Goldmark (1830–1915) was undoubtedly one the most influential composers of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and through his first opera – The Queen of Sheba – he was also very well-known abroad. This opera, with its very fashionable oriental subject, was first performed in Vienna in 1875 and was one of the greatest successes of the period. After Merlin (1886) and The Cricket on the Hearth (1896), a “song-opera” strongly influenced by the Biedermeier-period, Goldmark wrote three operas over the next ten years. A Prisoner of War (libretto E. Schlicht, premiered in 1899 in Vienna) was based on one episode of the Iliad. In this short opera the composer tried to express the change of Achilles’ soul, but he mostly failed due to a relatively weak and conventional libretto and vague musical style. In the following opera, Götz von Berlichingen (libretto A. M. Willner, premiered 1902) the libretto is also the weakest element of the work and the whole opera reminds one of Meyerbeer ’s operas. The composer found a renewed inspiration during the work on his last opera – The Winter’s Tale (libretto by Alfred Maria Willner after Shakespeare, premiered in 1907 in Vienna). This fairy tale opera is full of interesting musical moments and elements written in Goldmark’s late style and is still attractive for the opera-going public.