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The goal of this paper is to analise the magical elements of mesopotamian medical texts. The Mesopotamian concept of illness is interpreting physical complaints and pain, that is symptoms and illness, as messages from the gods (omens), claiming that medical texts deal with a specific type of this kind of message transfer, namely those cases when the bad omen occurs on the human body. In this article I introduce the sources and the cultural context of Mesopotamian medical texts, then I examine the magical elements in the process of healing treatment. We can conclude that the minor role of practice in the curing of illnesses is supported by the magic elements (e.g. aspects of numerology, or magic circles) identifiable in each step of healing with medicaments.

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As is well known, boat trips on rivers and canals were an essential part of Mesopotamian economy at the end of the 3rd millennium BC; the Tigris and Euphrates, with their tributaries and canals, served as major highways in Mesopotamia. In the Ur III period, inland traffic by waterway was very extensive (more so than interregional water transport). This paper aims at highlighting ports/harbours of the province of Ĝirsu/Lagaš recorded in the administrative texts from the end of the 3rd millennium, by cataloguing the name of the places where these harbours are located.

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Illness or Symptom?

Some remarks on the terminology of Mesopotamian medical texts

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author:
András Bácskay

It has been obvious for a long time that the so-called symptom descriptions in the source groups of Mesopotamian medicine (particularly in prescriptions of therapeutic and diagnostical/prognostic texts) cannot be exclusively applied to specific diseases, as the same symptoms appear in connection with a variety of illnesses, and symptom descriptions relating to individual diseases can be very varied. Although several attempts have been made by researchers to describe the ancient Mesopotamian culture's system of ideas about illness, no unambiguous scientific answer has as yet been provided to the question what relationship exists between the symptoms and illnesses mentioned. Due to the lack of an exact understanding of ancient Mesopotamia's conceptual framework concerning symptoms and diseases, and the modern approaches to the given texts from the viewpoint of our own culture's taxonomy of the related field, we have achieved a state of significant conceptual discrepancies. Recent research has attempted to clarify some of the issues. Below I am giving a short summary of the results in this field. Following that I am providing a brief description of my approach to the Babylonian medical terminology.

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Abstract  

World literature is often defined in terms of the circulation of works out into languages and cultures beyond their original homeland. But it is also possible to consider an opposite mode of literary worldliness, which occurs when writers draw on foreign literatures in order to intervene within their own culture. This article takes the example of the biblical Book of Job, based on a Babylonian model which it neither imitates nor parodies (the more usual modes of relation of biblical writers to the literary productions of the larger imperial cultures around them). Instead, the poet of the Book of Job selectively draws on Babylonian tradition in order to open up a new mode of understanding of the divine amid the crisis of the Babylonian exile, neither rejecting the surrounding culture nor assimilating to it, portraying a just but unknowable God who has characteristics of a benevolent Mesopotamian tyrant.

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The inscription on the Adad-guppi Stele is an unusual literary work due to both its innovative structure and its contents describing Adad-guppi as the intercessor for Nabonidus. The literary structure of the inscription was the combination of the three-tier royal inscription (theological 1st person narrative) and a memorial text at her mother’s funeral (secular 3rd person narrative). It is a literary invention of Nabonidus’s scribes to meet the need of the occasion, and is surely a creative attempt. The mother’s role is described as an intercessor for her son: First, she gave birth to Nabonidus and provided an opportunity for him to have a court career. Secondly, the mother led her son to the sincere faith to Sîn and became the source of his blessings. Thirdly, she worked hard to build a bridge between Nabonidus and the ancient Mesopotamian political ideology, to achieve the legitimisation of her son’s ascension to the Babylonian throne. His line of propaganda seemed to work very well for 17 years, which is 8 more years after the death of the queen mother, but it lost its leverage at the appearance of Cyrus, king of Persia.

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. Jacobsen , Thorkild 1976 . The Treasures of Darkness. A History of Mesopotamian Religion . New Haven and London : Yale University Press

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in an early Mesopotamian city: questions and answers . In Luff , R. & Rowleyconwy , P. (eds.) Whither environmental archaeology? Oxbow Monograph 38 : 171 – 212

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Acta Botanica Hungarica
Authors:
K. T. Kiss
,
Zs Trábert
, and
M. Duleba

-3-443-57058-3) The present volume leads us to the world of the diatoms of wetlands of southern Iraq, namely, diatoms from all three major Mesopotamian Marshes and the Shatt Al-Arab River. The speciality of the diatom communities living in this region is that this is

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). On the basis of tectonomagmatic and structural features, the Zagros Orogen is subdivided into nine subzones ( Falcon 1969 ; Berberian 1995 ; Emami et al. 2010 ; Homke et al. 2010 ), which are the Mesopotamian−Persian Gulf Foreland, the Dezful

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), at a level corresponding to the Late Uruk (3500–2900 BC; Michel et al., 1993 ). This direct confirmation of the existence of an ancient Mesopotamian beer would agree with the extensive evidence of beer in both administrative and mythological texts of

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