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Abstract

Sárvár castle was the property of the Nádasdy family from the early 16th century until 1670. Its current pentagonal shape was formed during the time of judge royal Ferenc III Nádasdy, one of the leading art patrons of the 17th century. Its early 17th century state is documented by three inventories (1630, 1646, 1650), and the layout of the interior, the functions and furnishings of the rooms can be reconstructed from the inventory dated 1669. The paper suggests some new dates of construction, explicates the stucco and fresco ornamentation program and on the basis of the furnishing inquiries into the role and function of the castle turned residence during Ferenc Nádasdy's time.

Comparing the inventories of various dates, one finds that Nádasdy first had wing A reconstructed before 1646. Research puts to the mid-17th century the rest of the constructions: building of the C wing and chapel, linkage of gate tower and wing A. Archival sources put the reconstruction to 1650–51. The stateroom was created at that time on the ceiling of which Hans Rudolf Miller painted in 1653 a fresco series of town sieges during the 15-year war. The stuccowork by Andrea Bertinalli framing the frescoes is dated by the paper also to 1653, a different date from what research earlier suggested. The conception of the ceiling decoration was completed before Nádasdy left in early June 1653 for the coronation of Ferdinand IV in Regensburg. Thus the iconography of the frescoes is independent of the thematically similar battle-scene cycle (possibly in oil) seen on the way in Günzburg near Ulm, about which Pál Esterházy travelling with Nádasdy wrote in his diary. Nádasdy had the opportunity to see in Günzburg the now extinct 16 full-length portraits ordered by the previous owner of the castle Karl von Burgau upon the model of the Spanischer Saal in Ambras around 1600. That may have inspired him to have the 20 full-length portraits painted mentioned by the inventory of 1669 in one of the salons of Sárvár.

Contemporaneous with the reconstruction is the staircase beneath the tower, mentioned in an order to stucco artist Andrea Bartinalli in February 1657 in which Nádasdy ordered the plasterwork for the ceiling of the upstairs rooms of wings E and D and the corridor of wing E, as well as a dual coat of arms above the mantelpiece in a room in the E wing. The order reveals that the stucco of three rooms in wing D had been started and Bertinalli was to finish it. Payment reveals that Bertinalli had completed the bulk of the work by the end of 1657. It probably included the ceiling stucco of the corner room in wing D, the only one still extant today. The plaster decoration frames frescoes the themes of which are from Ovid's Metamorphoses. Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz traced their engraved prototypes to Antonio Tempesta, but this could only be verified for the Narcissus scene. The Perseus and Andromeda story adopts Chrispijn de Passe's work via a mediating print, the models for the rest of the scenes are unknown. The joint interpretation of the fresco themes and the so-far unstudied iconography of the plasterwork could provide the key to the program of the entire ceiling. The stucco putti hold attributes of natural plenitude, fertility, while the Ovid scenes are about accepted love (Perseus and Andromeda, Jupiter and Callisto) or the rejection of love (Narcissus, Venus sends Amor to kindle desire in Pluto for Proserpina who rejects love). The ceiling decoration is the apology of love and female fertility in the corner room that was one of the rooms of the female suite after the mid-century reconstruction of the castle.

Practically nothing is known of the one-time art works in the castle. The inventories reflect numeric data, which reveal that by increasing the number of art works Nádasdy wished to create a representative image in the Sárvár rooms after the rebuilding. The definite functions and furnishing of the different wings are revealed by the May 1669 inventory taken a few months after the death of the count's wife Anna Júlia Esterházy. It shows therefore the state of the interior as it had evolved during one and a half decades' use after the reconstruction. The composition of the furnishing reveals that the described rooms did not serve for actual residence. Apart from the monotony and impersonal character of the description of the furniture the most conspicuous things are the absent objects, particularly in comparison with the description of the actual residence of the family, the castle of Pottendorf. This comparison reveals that in Sárvár pieces of storing furniture, first of all those for keeping clothes and textiles, are missing in Sárvár. There are only two cupboards but they are empty. There is no furniture to hold books, while in Pottendorf there was a Bibliotheca. In Sárvár, except for Nádasdy's bedroom and one of the women's rooms, the beds are not installed, and apart from Nádasdy's suite there are no curtains, draperies, and there is no mirror.

The inventory confirms the earlier research findings: Sárvár did not function as a residence, since before 1650 the family lived in Deutschkreuz, then in Seibersdorf in Lower Austria and from 1660 in Pottendorf. There are not many data about Nádasdy's stay in Sárvár in his itinerary either, which throws new light on the representative modernization of the castle and the need to create a new residence. Concerning functions, it is illumining to compare Sárvár with Deutschkreuz where the family is documented to have spent lengthier periods regularly in the second half of the 1650s with frequent guests. That is probably why around 1657 a two-level “Saalgebäude” of several rooms was built in Deutschkreuz. It must also be attributable to function that the Sárvár castle was representatively impersonal, “Prunkappartement”-like. There are few data to suggest what role the castle was assigned in the 1650s, but they tend to reveal that after the reconstruction and furnishing with art works Sárvár was to be the venue of ceremonial hospitality as the occasional protocol venue of Nádasdy's official matters in Hungary.

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Nádasdy Ferenc mecénás-életművének elpusztult emléke: a sopronkeresztúri kerti palota

A Perished Relic of Count Ferenc Nádasdy The Art Patron's Oeuvre: The Garden Palace at Sopronkeresztúr

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Enikő Buzási

Abstract

Next to the late renaissance castle at Sopronkeresztúr (Deutschkreutz, A) there was a two-level 17th century baroque garden palace used as a granary from the early 20th century and eventually pulled down in 1952. It was ordered by the owner of the castle Lord Chief Justice Count Ferenc Nádasdy who was executed for high treason in 1671. The castle and the estate was purchased by Pál Esterházy in 1676; he asked Matthias Greischer to draw up two views of the palace, on the basis of which Esterházy was believed by research to have been the builder of the palace for a long time. The exact size of the palace (70×12 m) and its position in relation to the castle are known from the survey drawing made by József Könyöki in 1883. He was the first to give a brief written description of the palace interior: a large hall upstairs and a few rooms downstairs. In 1929 Dagobert Frey mentioned a large hall in the middle of the palace rising two levels high, with two staircases and two large rooms at both ends. An earlier unpublished order dated 11 August 1659 to stucco artist Andrea Bertinalli reveals that there were at least 12 rooms on the two levels of the building, as Nádasdy ordered the stucco decoration of so many rooms to be designed by Bertinalli (appendix 1). As payments and food supplies registered on the order reveal, plastering went on mainly between the summer of 1662 and December 1663. The surveying and planning probably took place sometime in February 1659 before the contract was signed, for documents of the Keresztúr estate suggest the presence of stucco artists presumably including Bertinalli in those days. That means the building must have been completed by the early 1659; spring data suggest that the glazing of the windows was being done. The presumed date of the beginning of the construction — 1656 — is also based on economic records: in February and March 1656 “Fundator” visited Keresztúr on several occasions. A description of September 1670 touching on stucco pieces and artistic wall paintings and mentioning two galleries for musicians at the two ends of the hall gives us an idea how much had been achieved (appendix 2). It means that the building was inaugurated for use still in Nádasdy's lifetime, although this document claims it was still unfinished, with missing doors and windows mentioned.

In his monograph of the architecture of the period Petr Fidler (1990) dates the garden palace to the early 1650s and attributes it to Filiberto Lucchese. Beside the analogies he lists let me mention the free-standing Festsaal of the Kirchschlag castle built before 1658 on account of the similar crowning frieze to that of the Keresztúr building and the same time of construction. Yet another consideration is that the builder of the Hofhaus in Kirchschlag not far from the Nádasdy estates, Johann Christoph Puchheim, was in connection with Nádasdy in several areas, which might have had a role in choosing a model and an architect.

The Keresztúr castle kept its function as Nebenresidenz and a venue of socializing even after the Nádasdy family's permanent residence had been moved to the Seibersdorf castle near Vienna in 1650. The importance of Keresztúr and the still unfinished garden palace began to decline when from 1660 the central residence of the Nádasdy family became Pottendorf in Lower Austria, a far larger place than Seibersdorf.

The Keresztúr palace is labeled Saalgebäude in special literature, meaning a building housing a single large hall. Sources, however, suggest that it was rather a palazzo in villa surrounded with a garden, with rows of rooms both upstairs and downstairs. In its proportions and façade design it was similar to palaces around Vienna. The innovative architectural concept without analogies in the relics from that-time Hungary is more likely to be attributed to the experimenting spirit of Lucchese, who had debuted as designer of Viennese palaces around that time, than to the expectations of Nádasdy as the client.

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Egy 17. századi főúri temetkezőhely

Nádasdy Ferenc országbíró és a lékai Ágoston-rendi templom Nádasdy-kriptájának kialakítása

A 17th century burial place for aristocrats

Lord Chief Justice Ferenc Nádasdy and the creation of the Nádasdy crypt in the Augustinian church of Léka
Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Bálint Ugry

In recent decades, especially in German language areas, several monographs and studies have stressed the source value in political and social history of the representative relics of burial places and sepulchral art. The resting places of Hungarian aristocrats of the early modern age are also more than mere (style historical, iconographic) sources of “traditional” art historical investigations, as is also pointed out by several recent scientific works in Hungary.

Lord Chief Justice Ferenc III Nádasdy (1623–1671) had the Nádasdy family mausoleum built in Léka (Lockenhaus, Austria). The converted aristocrat commissioned Pietro Orsolino, master builder from Siena, to erect a church and monastery for the Augustinian hermits and the population of the small Transdanubian village. The innovation of the crypt completed in 1669 lies in admitting solely the remains of the Nádasdy family members according to the original concept of the chief justice, thus becoming the first family mausoleum in the crypt of a church running the whole length of the church space.

When Ferenc Nádasdy was executed for his part in the Wesselényi conspiracy against the court in Vienna in 1671, there were two tombs in the central space of the crypt to which an ornamental staircase led from the middle of the nave of the oval church. The chief justice had the double tomb (c. 1562) of his great grandparents palatine Tamás Nádasdy and Orsolya Kanizsay – an outstanding specimen of 16th century Hungarian sepulchral art – transferred from the chapel of Léka castle. The tomb is covered with a late gothic slab showing the palatine and his wife kneeling at the stem of the cross. The monumental baroque tomb of Ferenc Nádasdy and his wife Anna Julianna Esterházy (c. 1669) was probably made by masters of the Léka guild of builders and masons.

Research of the past years has shown that extensively travelled and highly cultured Ferenc Nádasdy was one of the most conscious aristocratic patrons of the art in Hungary who put the arts sharp-wittedly in the service of his own representation and the political propaganda of the Hungarian Kingdom. In his residences (Keresztúr, Sárvár, Seibersdorf, Pottendorf) he set up picture galleries with different representative goals each; as the holder of the advowson, he had churches (Lorettom, Léka) and chapels (Mariazell, St Stephen’s chapel) founded and ordered altar paintings. He relied on printing to disseminate internationally the historical continuity of the Hungarian statehood threatened by the Ottoman Empire (Mausoleum) and the unity of the Hungarian nation of the estates (series of Widemann portraits).

The crypt of the Léka church was the place of the reverence of ancestors and the expression of Ferenc Nádasdy’s ambition to become palatine. By positioning his and his wife’s tomb opposite his great-grandfather’s in the crypt he founded, he implied his wish to become similar to his forefather. During his political career he failed to acquire the title of palatine, but the “adopter” of the art patron model created by Nádasdy, his brother-in-law Pál Esterházy attained it. Similarly to Nádasdy, Esterházy also had a family crypt built later in the centre of his residence Kismarton (Eisenstadt, Austria) emulating in concept the example of Léka and the Graz mausoleum of Ferdinand II as regards form.

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Adatok Johann Jacob Khün „érseki udvari festő” működéséhez, Lippay György pozsonyi nyaralókastélyának újonnan előkerült keleti látképe (1663) kapcsán

Data to the work of Johann Jacob Khün, “painter to the archbishop”, and the newly found eastern view (1663) of György Lippay’s summer residence in Pozsony

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Anna Ecsedy

Archbishop of Esztergom György Lippay’s (1600–1666) summer residence and garden in Pozsony were represented on a series of engravings published in 1663. A hitherto unknown piece of this series features the eastern view of the residence (Bibliotheca Ecclesiae Metropolitanae Strigoniensis, Esztergom; fig.). The sheet bears the signature of Johann Jacob Khün, painter to the archbishop who supposedly produced the drawings for the entire series.

According to various sources most of which were concluded by Klára Garas, Khün came from a family of over four generations of painters and sculptors originated in Besztercebánya. The present study attempts to uncover documents representing Khün’s family relations and personal connections in the milieu of the archbishop’s court at Pressburg.

Only a few sources remain on Johann Jacob Khün’s work in archbishop Lippay’s service. Based on a few miscellaneous allusions and the painter’s recently recovered letter written to the archbishop’s physician and familiar Polycarpus Procopius Bonannus (d. 1664) in 1659, the author presumes that Khün was the grandson of Jacob Khien the elder (d. after 1619) who created the so-called Zmeskál epitaph (Berzevice, c. 1600). Johann Jacob Khün’s father was probably the painter Jacob Khien the younger who became a burgess of Besztercebánya in 1619. Pozsony sculptor Johann Christoph Khien (d. 1696/97), creator of the Holy Trinity column of Nagyszombat (1683–1695), and Ferdinand Khien, a doctor born in Besztercebánya who graduated at the University of Wittenberg (1667) and later worked in Eperjes and Pozsony were probably Johann Jacob Khün’s brothers. Judging by the 1659 letter and other sources, Khün’s brother Ferdinand may well have been helped with the starting of his medical career by Bonannus who probably interceeded for him to spend his pharmacist’s training in Johann Weber’s (1612–1684) pharmacy in Eperjes.

Khün’s letter implies that he may well have produced illustrations for Bonannus’s ambitious but ultimately unpublished and lost opus describing Hungary’s geographical and mineralogical treasures, entitled De admirandis Hungariae rebus, backed by archbishop Lippay and Lord Chief Justice Ferenc Nádasdy (1623–1671). The correspondence of Bonannus, a rare group of sources, provides some important data to the project and Khün’s surmized participation, and might as well lead to closer acquaintance with the process of furnishing and decorating of archbishop György Lippay’s summer residence and garden of Pozsony.

A year after the publishing of the print series Khün already worked as a court painter to Count (later Palatine and Prince) Pál Esterházy (1635–1713). Between 1664 and 1671 he produced at least eight paintings for him, and decorated sixteen rooms of his Kismarton Castle.

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A Magyar korona eddig ismert legkorábbi autentikus ábrázolásának keletkezéséről

A Szent Korona a Habsburg Ehrenspiegelben

The origin of the earliest known authentic representation of the Hungarian crown

The Holy Crown of Hungary in the Habsburg Ehrenspiegel
Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Authors:
Enikő Buzási
and
Géza Pálffy

In the past 35 years or so, scores of theories, some bordering on legend, have emerged about the origin of the earliest known authentic representation of the Holy Crown of Hungary. Systematic historical and art historical research, however, has reconstructed convincingly the circumstances of its creation. Contrary to the majority of assumptions proposed until now, it can now be safely declared that the earliest representation of the Hungarian crown jewel has nothing to do with the – actually fictitious – possession of the crown by the Fugger family in the mid-15th century. The handwritten work namely, in which the image survived, is not a Fuggerchronik of Munich but the history of the Habsburg dynasty (Ehrenspiegel des Hauses Österreich) written for the family of the great merchant banker, Johann Jakob Fugger (1516–1575) by the self-taught town historian, genealogist and heraldist Clemens Jäger from Augsburg (c. 1500–1561).

The two-tome manuscript of nearly 800 folios with thousands of coats of arms and hundreds of illuminations is preserved in the Bavarian State Library in Munich. The earliest known depiction of the crown was made replicas of which were unknown until recently but were identified by the authors in three richly illuminated handwritten copies of the Ehrenspiegel. All were made in Innsbruck as the outcome of the court art and art patronage of the archdukes Ferdinand and Maximilian of Tyrol in the late 16th and early 17th century. By dating the manuscripts kept today in Munich, Vienna and Dresden more accurately and analysing the crown depictions in them, the – until recently – controversial chronology of the Ehrenspiegel copies could be clarified reassuringly. A revised version commissioned by Emperor Leopold I was completed by 1668 and was also released in print by the Endter press in Nuremberg with “updated” text by the German poet Sigmund von Birken. This version also included the image of the Hungarian crown, but the publisher replaced the 16th century depiction with a more up-to-date one. It adopted the crown representation on the title-page of Mausoleum (printed in Nuremberg 1664), a series of Hungarian ruler portraits completed a little earlier upon commission from a Hungarian aristocrat and art patron, Chief Justice of Hungary (1655–1671), Count Ferenc Nádasdy. It must be attributed to the publisher’s demand for authenticity that added to the crown from the Mausoleum, which in basic forms emulated the crown image illustrating the famous tract of guardian of the crown Péter Révay published in Augsburg 1613 (De Sacrae Coronae regni Hungariae ortu... Commentarius) and reformulated several times later, he also enclosed the title-page of the politics historical work by Martin Schödel (Respublica et status Regni Hungariae, Leiden 1634) for the purpose of providing more accurate material details.

A German handwritten petition by Clemens Jäger, the author of the Habsburg family history, for a coat of arms and crown representation has been recovered in the Austrian National Library in Vienna. In it he was inquiring about the Holy Crown with reference to the work (Rerum Ungaricarum decades) of the Italian historiographer of Matthias Corvinus, the noted humanist Antonio Bonfini. This source permits us to declare: the earliest authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was made in Augsburg between April 1553 (the terminus post quem for the sending of the petition from Augsburg to Vienna) and November 1561 (the death of Jäger). Confuting earlier presumptions we can contend that instead of some mid-15th or early 16th century model, Jäger used a wholly contemporary reproduction. It showed the crown kept in the Habsburg court in Vienna from the beginning of September 1551 depicted – if we are not mistaken – by the copperplate engraver and draughtsman of antiquities (Antiquitetabconterfetter) Hans Sebald Lautensack served in Vienna from August 1554, who was in close contact with the famous Vienna court historiographer who also knew Jäger, Wolfgang Lazius. Lautensack also engraved a portrait of Lazius in 1554. Some data suggest that our safe dating (1553–1561) can be reduced to the interval between the late summer of 1554 and 1556, between the beginning of Lautensack’s service in Vienna and the publication of the historian Lazius’s great map of Hungary (1556), the latter adorned with a Holy Crown with pendants. To conclude, the earliest detailed and authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was the outcome of the collaboration of Central European historiographers, first of all historians of Augsburg and Vienna, genealogists, heraldists and engravers, without the involvement of Hungarians, as far as we know. Not that this fact would reduce in any way its outstanding significance or peculiar value.

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. Mátyás király öröksége 2008 Buzási 2010 - Buzási, Enikő: Nádasdy Ferenc országbíró rezidenciáinak festészeti

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. Budapest : L’Harmattan – MTA Néprajzi Kutatóintézet . Schönherr , Gyula 1888 Nádasdy Ferenc országbíró végrendelete. 1–3. [The Will of Lord Chief Justice Ferenc Nádasdy. 1–3] . In Történelmi Tár 11 : 176 – 187 , 369–382, 580–591 . Solymosi

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