Az elemzés a hatékony kisebbségvédelem számára jelenkorunkban megnyíló lehetőségeket tárja fel. Első részében a nemzetállamok klasszikus és modern elméleteiből kiindulva mutatja be a választható kisebbségvédelmi rendszereket, majd górcső alá veszi a nemzetállami szint alatt, felett, illetve mellett jelentkező olyan entitásokat, amelyek megváltoztatják az államok klasszikus szuverenitását, és a kisebbségek helyzetének jövőbeni alakulása szempontjából is jelentős szerepet játszhatnak. A tanulmány végkövetkeztetése, hogy bár a posztszuverenitással elérkezett korszak számos lehetőséget kínál, akár a nemzeti alapon szerveződő állam teljes újragondolására is, azonban azt felváltó, a nemzeti kisebbségek számára üdvözítőbb megoldást hordozó, megfelelően kidolgozott társadalomszervező erőt, elméletet egyelőre nem képes felmutatni.
decades of the 20 th century created the premises and, more precisely, the pattern of some specific discursive constructions regarding the nation-state in order to be integrated, acknowledged and, especially, to be replicated on a large scale.
Summary The aim is to investigate the cities based on the author-affiliation data from Web of Science, Biosis Previews, CAB Abstracts, Chemical Abstracts, Compendex/Inspec, Francis, Medline, Pascal, and Sociological Abstracts databases. Specifics of particular cities and publishing patterns and trends with reference to particular disciplines are studied. Characteristics of city-data collection with regard to retrieval accuracy are investigated. Databases are compared regarding document coverage and input consistency. A city as an emerging supranational unit is proposed as a scientometric object and indicator in its own right as a complement to the traditional notion of a country or a nation-state.
Authors:Birgitta Englund Dimitrova, Carlo Marzocchi, and Katalin Farkas-Bede
Daniel Gile, Helle V. Dam, Friedel Dubslaff, Bodil Martinsen, & Anne
Schjoldager (eds): Getting Started in Interpreting Research
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins, 2001, 255 pp. Franz Pöchhacker & Miriam
Shlesinger (eds): The Interpreting Studies Reader London/New York: Routledge,
2002, 436 pp. Sue Wright Community and Communication,The Role of Language in
Nation State Building and European Integration, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters,
2000, 280 pp. ISBN 1-85359-484-9 Gyde Hansen (ed.): Probing the Process in
Translation: Methods and Results (Copenhagen Studies in Language Series, 24)
Copenhagen: Samfundslitteratur, DK: 1999, 192 pp.ISBN 87 593 0793 5
The object of this essay is to understand how the ethnic Csángó’s migratory process develops since the fall of the Romanian communist regime. To do so, we will first present an overview of the major processes that affected the Csángó’s culture, identity and way of life: the building of the Romanian nation-state and the communist modernization of Romania. Starting from a theoretical proposal based on an ecological model of migration, we expose the importance that culture and social networks of exchange have in the migratory process of this group.
Ukraine belongs among those young countries where the beginnings of democratisation and nation-building approximately coincided. While the development of nation states in Central Europe was usually preceded by the development of nations, the biggest dilemma in the Ukraine is whether a nation-state programme — parallel to the aim of state-building — is able to bring unfinished nation-building to completion. Ukraine sways between the EU and Russia with enormous amplitude. The alternating orientation between the West and the East can be ascribed to superpower ambitions reaching beyond Ukraine. Eventually, internal and external determinants are intertwined and mutually interact with one another. The aim of the paper is to explain the dilemmas arising from identity problems behind the Ukraine’s internal and external orientation.
Translation studies and other disciplines in the humanities have become increasingly politicized as scholars act on the presumption that the dominance of Western theories is the result of power differentials rather than academic merit. This postcolonialist mindset is based on the claim that cultures are equally valid, but there are objective and cross-culturally intersubjective standards for comparing certain aspects of cultures. The problems with such prescriptive cultural relativism are that the nation-state is regarded as the only legitimate unit of culture, that national differences are overemphasized, and that an “is” is turned into an “ought.” Built on these misconceptions, postcolonialism challenges the political establishment in central countries but serves as an excuse to suppress the demand for progress from peripheral sectors in peripheral cultures. The attempt to export postcolonialism, a culture-specific theory, to the whole world is thus itself a colonialist act.
The concept of modern constitutionalism is intimately related to notions of state sovereignty. The actual influence of the constitution as a hierarchical tool of nation-state design remains a matter of dubious empirical validity. Today, among the conditions of intergovernmentalism and globalization, state centered constitutionalism is confronting governance by networks: both private domestic networks and networks of national governmental institutions are becoming decision-makers, which cannot be controlled within the concepts of state based constitutionalism. Notwithstanding these developments the above difficulties of constitutional social steering and determination of the public sphere have not resulted in the dethroning of the paradigm of state centered constitutional law in the constitutional law community. Such disregard runs the risk to turn constitutionalism into irrelevant speculation in an age of globalization. In the globalized world the most important decisions and events affecting society escape the control of the sovereign state operating on the principle of territoriality. In this paper I consider two structures of polycentric exercise of public power that are decisive for a new paradigm of constitutionalism. The first type of transnational network structure is primarily a network of private ordering with the participation of administrative bodies of the desaggregating state and private entities associated with the administrative entities (transboundary private networks). A second kind of transnational networks (transgovernmental networks) originates from supranational organizations that operate beyond the nation state. Transgovernmental networks take away traditional governmental functions and overwrite/replace the decisions of the state organs. The taking of state functions includes regulation, adjudication, enforcement, material and other services. The actions of the networks are beyond the control of the constitutionally designated authorities and follow principles, which are unrelated to the otherwise pertinent constitutional principles. The article considers the impact of international networks on the desaggregation of the constitutional state and the possibility of a new legitimation for transnational network-based governance.
This paper is an assessment of Hungarian and Romanian degree-holder contingents of the Cluj/Kolozsvár university in times of spectacular political change and relative social stagnation. This university has invariably been localized within a higher educational market mostly limited to the needs of the ethnically mixed population of Transylvania, needs that were seldom, if ever, reflected in equitable ethnic enrollment ratios. Local ethnic competition in and through the academe was always conditioned by external centers of political gravitation. The integrative role of the university altered each time the centre changed, and each time it was exerted not so much along socio-economic but along ethno-political lines. The late imperial educational commonwealth before World War I was largely dominated by the Magyar element. The subsequent nation-state framework reversed the situation to the advantage of Romanians in the inter-war period. This was followed by yet another turn-over between 1940 and 1944. All the while the university was less an agent of modernization than a fortress of survival in a continuous struggle for national dominance. Ethnic dominance tended to prevail over reform and social advancement, and repeated failures in the latter were ascribed to the presence of the rival ethnic other in the competition.