incompatibility of underspecification and markedness In OptimalityTheory . In R. Artstein and M. Holler (eds.) Ruling papers 1: Working papers from Rutgers University . New Brunswick, NJ : Rutgers University . 7 – 13
Biró , Tamás . 2003 . Quadratic alignment constraints and finite state OptimalityTheory . In Proceedings of the Workshop on Finite-State Methods in Natural Language Processing (FSMNLP), held within EACL-03 , Budapest. 119
can be captured by way of OptimalityTheory (OT) output constraints ( Prince & Smolensky (2004 ) , McCarthy and Prince (1995) ). These relations can be formally different: sometimes the process copies the whole word, as shown in (1a) below
the lexicon and constraints on reranking . In J. N. Beckman , L. W. Dickey and S. Urbanczyk (eds.) Papers in OptimalityTheory (University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers 18) . Amherst, MA : GLSA . 181 – 209 .
Itô , Junko and
“explains away” local grammar: A Bayesian account of rule-induction in tone sequences . Cognition 120 . 350 – 359 .
Dekkers, Joost Frank R. H. van der Leeuw and Jeroen van de Weijer 2000 . Optimalitytheory: Phonology, syntax, and
In Balearic Catalan, first person singular present indicative verb forms do not show an explicit inflectional morph, as do most dialects of Catalan. Among these forms, we find final consonant clusters that involve a violation of the sonority constraint according to which the degree of sonority between the segments of a syllable must be decreasing in relation to the nucleus. The same clusters in nominal inflection are resolved by means of a process of vowel epenthesis. The exceptional phonological behavior of these consonant clusters is not circumscribed to sonority factors, but also concerns the regular phonology of the dialect, either because a general process fails to apply, or because a process applies though the conditions that make it applicable are not visible. Previous approaches have analyzed these final consonant clusters, not as codas, but as onsets of empty nuclei: this exceptional syllabic status would, according to these proposals, throw some light on this peculiar phonological behavior. In this paper we investigate the theoretical problems deriving from approaches of this kind and demonstrate that they are better analyzed by considering paradigmatic effects, such as uniformity and contrast between the members of a morphological paradigm. Furthermore, we critically review the different theories developed in Optimality Theory in order to account for surface resemblances and dissimilarities between the members of a paradigm and introduce a detailed formalization of Paradigmatic Contrast
argued to be arbitrary and unconstrained ( Prince and Smolensky 2004 ). Thus, it is worth revisiting the topic of pattern-root consonant assimilation in MSA and advance a constraint-based analysis within the framework of OptimalityTheory (OT). The goal
(Acta Societatis Linguisticae Europaeae) 20 . 461 – 475 .
Prince , Alan and Paul Smolensky . 2004 . OptimalityTheory: Constraint interaction in Generative Grammar . Malden, MA & Oxford : Blackwell .
Rowicka , Grażyna and Jeroen M