Gyula Illyés, Hungarian poet, fiction writer, essayist and dramatist, emigrated to Paris after the fall of the Hungarian Republic in 1919. There, he came into contact with the working class movement as well as with surrealistic circles. Strongly influenced by modern French writing, Illyés nevertheless adopted realism in his novels. He reflects upon his emigration times in Paris in his novel,
Huns in Paris
]. The present paper focuses on the following main issues in relation to this novel: types of description, panoramic views, walks, atmosphere of certain districts, the stylistic characteristics of the descriptive sequences. Illyés’s description of Paris is a classic example of a type of urban literature that was pioneered in Paris of the 1840s, and was used to celebrate the diversity and dynamismof themodern city. At the center of his description was the figure of the
, or urban stroller, who embodied and represented the quintessential qualities of urban modernity.
In the well-discussed introduction to The Miraculous Mandarin Bartók’s music depicts the stylized image of an anonymous metropolis. It is, however, very likely that Bartók referred to a specific city: the capital of Europe in the (long) 19th century, Paris. The precise geographic attribution is made possible by Bartók’s repeated use of the French term apache, referring to the three thugs. Originally the name of a group of North American indian tribes, the second meaning of the term came up at the beginning of the 20th century. It was omnipresent in French press and French cultural life at a time when Bartók, in 1905, first visited the city that impressed him so much. As Bartók began to think about the Mandarin in 1918 he chose this term, that by now had been integrated into Hungarian too, to designate the thugs adequately.
In German speaking countries Haydn’s oratorios, and particularly
, have played an important role in the repertoire of choral societies and music festivals since the 1810s. However, in France, and also in Paris — “the capital of the 19th century” —, Haydn’s oratorios were performed only on rare occasions, and then they were given mostly in parts. The reasons for these circumstances can be seen in the institutional and esthetical context of the Parisian concert life. With respect to professional concert societies, like the
Société des Concerts du Conservatoire
, rigid obstacles were on the one hand the enormous financial risk of a complete oratorio performance. On the other hand the established type of concert programmes with its varied mixture of vocal and instrumental pieces functioned as a barrier. Most important was a lack of mixed amateur choral societies, which developed in Paris quite late, primary in the 1840s, and then only little by little. Since oratorio performances lasted to be mostly a private affaire in the first half of the 19th century, it is not surprising, that Haydn’s oratorios were studied in aristocratic salons of Princesse de Belgiojoso and Baron Delmar with the intention of both education and entertainment.
The Paris Peace Treaty by which hostilities between Hungary and the Allied Powers were officially ended was signed on February 10, 1947. It consisted of eight articles covering territorial, military, economic, political and other terms. The paper focuses on the territorial decisions that restored the 1920 Trianon frontiers with a small rectification in favour of Czechoslovakia. The American, British, Soviet and French peace delegations were in complete accord that the 1920 Trianon bounderies should remain in force along Hungary's frontiers with Austria, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. With regard to Transylvania, however, a sharp discussion developed. The Western powers supported a compromise solution while the Soviet Union was opposed to any modification to the Hungarian-Roumanian frontier established at Trianon. Eventually the Soviet position prevailed. The decision was received with bitterness in Hungary but it did not cause hysteria. The majority in Hungarian society understood that neither a restoration of historic Hungary nor even a compromise solution based on ethnic principles was possible.
2. See Jean-Jacques Henner: Face à l'impressionisme, Le dernier des romantiques , Exhibition catalogue, Musée de la Vie romantique, Paris 2007 .
3. See Pierre-Lin Renié, “Goupil et Cie à l’ère industrielle
The subject of this article is language contact between Coptic and Arabic as reflected in the so-called “tautological infinitive”. The corpus is the bilingual (Coptic and Arabic) MS Paris BN copte 1, and the starting point is Ariel Shisha-Halevy’s observations on the matter based on this manuscript. Focus is on the Arabic text: The Arabic “inner object”, al-maf’ūl al-muṭlaq, generally parallels a prepositional phrase in Coptic in a ηєn-oγ- pattern. Sometimes, following the Coptic, the traditional word order in the Arabic is changed (such differences are generally documented earlier in Biblical texts). In other cases the translation choices were to create a stylistic change that does not reflect the tautological infinitive in the Coptic text. Contact language here (the tautological infinitive), as reflected by the Arabic translation, seems to be ‘quite convenient’ for the translator into Arabic, contrary to other cases where more variety of choices is offered.
The present paper must be interpreted as a sequel of the work “Daten zu Leben und Werk des Pariser Architekten Charles Moreau zwischen 1760 und 1803”published in the Österreichische Zeitschrift für Kunst- und Denkmalpflege, Heft 4, 2001. This essay was finished when Moreau came to Vienna in the company of Prince Nikolaus II Esterházy at the end of 1803. The prince engaged the architect in Paris to lead the future works for the renewal of the family residence at Eisenstadt forming part of Hungary at this time. Moreau was quatered in the “Rothen Haus”which was situated in the Viennese suburb Alsergrund. In 1794 Prince Nikolaus II Esterházy became owner of the big family estates in the kingdom of Hungary. Shortly after his installation he engaged the French architect Jean-François Thomas de Thomon. He was responsible for the redesign of the garden of Nikolaus II in the Viennese suburb Landstraße, which was finished already in 1795. Surprisingly Thomas de Thomon quit his contract at the beginning of 1798 and went to Russia where he became architect of the tsar. Only at the end of 1802 Prince Esterházy employed another architect trained in Paris and Rome, Maximilian von Verschaffelt. Verschaffelt can be associated with the redesign of the garden in Eisenstadt and the alteration of the orangery still under construction. The other activities of Verschaffelt are not at hand. It seems that he was dismissed by the prince in favor of Charles Moreau in 1804. There is a good reason to believe that from 1804 on the activities followed to the directives of Charles Moreau because the first buildings invented and drawn by the architect were realized also at this time. In July 1804 the prince ordered the construction of the Marientempel which was situated north-west of Eisenstadt at the hillside of the Leithagebirge. At the same time the prince decreed the project for the Marientempel, he instructed the building department to start the works for the Maschinenhaus which was the first building designed by Charles Moreau for the landscape-garden. Among others it had to bare the steam-engine bought by the prince in London in 1803. Besides the mentioned activities the redesign of the old castle of Eisenstadt was started. According to the proposals of Charles Moreau the Prince ordered the beginning of the works in March 1805. First of all a passage under the north-wing and the basement for a representative portico flanked by two big ramps leading into the colonnade had to be constructed. Nikolaus II also started a project in Vienna in 1805. The work began in May 1805 and was not finished until 1807. Besides the works for Prince Nikolaus II Esterházy another client asked Moreau to design a palace in the city of Vienna. Elzbieta Anna Teofila Princess Lubomirska wanted to redesign several houses at the Mölkerbastei which defined an inner court. In the middle of 1806 Charles Moreau had to go back to Paris. He had been employed since the beginning of 1801 as “Architecte de la Sorbonne”. There is a good reason to believe that during his sojourn in Paris he visited not only his relatives but also his teachers, friends and old colleques. Virtually all of them were near Jacques-Louis David, the former teacher of Charles Moreau: Dominique Vivant Denon, François-Pascal-Simon Gérard and Antoine-Jean Gros, Charles-Paul Landon rival of Moreau and winner of the Grand prix de peinture as well as, among others, Jean-Baptiste Isabey who became a close collaborator of the architect during the Congress of Vienna. Although Nikolaus II was confronted with a proposal for the alteration and rearrangement of the so-called “Sauerbrunn”near Pöttsching – a new bath was mentioned for this place in 1805 – he decided to invest into the enlargement of a similar building already existing in Großhöflein. But at the beginning of 1807 there must have been some change of opinion and Charles Moreau was ordered to design a new bath not far from the old one. Another work of Moreau is located in Laxenburg where the Prince was responsible for the royal post-office and all its arrangements. It seems that the old station was too small. Therefore Nikolaus II ordered to enlarge the building by putting on a new flat and stables in 1805. He was also working on the new landscape gardens of the prince. When the garden of Pottendorf was nearly finished new hothouses were planned and built from the end of 1807. It was also in 1807 when the Prince possibly animated by the new constructions at Pottendorf ordered to construct new hothouses at Eisenstadt. A virtually new challenge was the design for a big festival-hall in the Viennese suburb, Schottenfeld, for which the Englishman Sigmond Wolfson made available his house and garden. The works for the building which consisted of several large rooms with different decorations was started in April 1807 and already finished in December of the same year. During the past years Charles Moreau and his family settled down in Vienna. In 1807 the painter Karl Johann Hummel charged him to design a new bath in the Viennese suburb Leopoldstadt. Moreau accepted and on Januray 1, 1808, they bought a big site near the Donaukanal. The idea to integrate the residences of both families into the complex must have been born at this time. Beside his activities in the service of Prince Esterházy, mainly in Eisenstadt, he was also commissioned to do other works. In 1811 Count Nikolaus Eszterházy gave a charge to the princely architect to redesign three houses situated between Walfischgasse and Krugerstraße in Vienna. The second work of Charles Moreau for the Count Esterházy was the design for a mausoleum for the deceased members of the family. Nagyganna was selected for it because of its geographical qualities. Also Count Johann Pálffy gave a contract to Charles Moreau. The count acquainted two houses in the Wallnerstraße in Vienna which were desolate from a fire-hazard. Moreau was ordered to redesign both buildings into a palace. The works done by Moreau in Austria and Hungary gave a lot of sympathy to the architect. The honoration was going so far that the council of the Akademie der vereinigten bildenden Künste in Vienna elected him as regular counsellor in 1812. Since Emperor Franz I did not confirm the decision there must have been some problems caused by the fact that Charles Moreau was no regular member of the institution at this time. So he became member of the academy in February 1812 and three months later he was nominated again for counsellor. But first on January 15, 1813, the emperor signed the letter of appointment.
At the peak of his career and after some unbearable literary conflicts, Carlo Goldoni accepts the invitation of the
(‘Italian Theatre’) in Paris and leaves Venice.
Una delle ultime sere del Carnovale
(‘One of the Last Nights of the Carnival’) is the comedy with which he says goodbye to his Venice audience, and in the form of an allegory, entering the comedy behind its protagonist, Anzoletto, he speaks about his professional reasons to leave Venice. This parallelism between Anzoletto and Goldoni is analyzed through the latest theatrical version of this comedy that was staged at the Katona Theatre in Budapest.
A forgotten figure of the new Hungarian musical movement of the 1910s, Géza Vilmos Zágon (1889–1918) was a talented composer, pianist and music writer. He belonged among those young composers who turned toward French culture instead of the traditional German orientation and searched for new inspiration in Paris. He was, at the same time, one of the few to be personally acquainted with leading personalities of the city’s musical life: letters by Claude Debussy, Michel-Dimitri Calvocoressi, Louis Laloy, Émile Vuillermoz and Albert Zunz Mathot have survived in his legacy. During his stay in France between 1912 and 1914, he acted as the representant of the former UMZE (Új Magyar Zene Egyesület, New Hungarian Music Association), and did not only bring attention to himself as a performer of his own works, but was also instrumental in promoting those by Bartók and Kodály. In the present study, I seek to demonstrate that Zágon served as an important liaison for Bartók’s circle with some of the most influential groups of French avant-garde, the Société Musicale Indépendante, as well as Calvocoressi. In an effort to document these important relationships as well as Zágon’s activity, I publish a selection of his correspondence in original language, with French translation provided where appropriate.