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With the failed invasion and death of Antiochus VII in 129 BCE and the destruction or capture of much of his army in Mesopotamia and Media, the Parthians finally damaged the strength and standing of the Seleucid state within the Hellenistic Middle
This article considers the Parthian war of Publius Ventidius in 39/8 BC and its place in the ancient literary tradition. It is argued that although Ventidius' Parthian campaign retained its popular emotive force, it was at first considered unsatisfactory as a model for Eastern triumph; the spoils and standards captured at Carrhae in 53 BC remained in Parthian hands, while the campaign itself was punitive and limited in objectives. Furthermore, Ventidius' 'Parthian' war could equally be viewed as the final suppression of elements loyal to Brutus and Cassius. It is peculiar that allusions to Ventidius' triumph are entirely absent from literature of the Augustan age. This article argues that it was not until after the deaths of Gaius and Lucius Caesar, and the renewal of trouble on the Northern frontier that the Parthian campaign came to be seen as recompense for the disaster of Carrhae in 53 BC.
The consequences of Crassus’ invasion of Mesopotamia in 54–53 BCE were unanticipated and unintended; however, his disastrous failure shocked the Roman world and suddenly established the Parthians as a serious rival to Rome. Moreover, the shame the Romans felt after the Battle of Carrhae was considerable. The battle scarred the Roman psyche and severely damaged the Roman ego. This study synthesizes and investigates what became a vicious and virulent Roman literary tradition of anti-Crassus propaganda, examining how numerous Roman writers over the course of numerous centuries used the dead and disgraced Crassus as a convenient scapegoat to help explain Rome’s failure to dominate the East and subdue the Parthian rival. It demonstrates that these writers ignored the legitimate causes for the First Romano-Parthian War (56 BCE – 1 CE), which Crassus had inherited, and illustrates that the disaster at Carrhae became a popular moralizing lesson about the consequences of greed, impiety, and hubris.
The Karoṣṭhī inscription of Tiravharṇa kṣatrapa (discovered in the suburb of Jalālābād in 1923, kept in the Kabul Museum) was set up in honour of the satrap by a man bearing the Indian name Malaṣua. The purpose of the inscription was to commemorate the building of a lotus tank and its inauguration by the ceremony of libation with running water (udagajaladhobuveṇa), as well as to express the chief desire of the donor to have a son (putreṣtapareṇa). Tiravharṇa was of Indo-Parthian descent and he did not acknowledge the authority of the Saka king Moga, ruling in Gāndhāra at that time (83 ВС).
The kharosthi inscription of Tiravharna ksatrapa (discovered in the southern suburb of Jalalabad in 1923, kept in the Kabul Museum) was set up in honour of the satrap by a man, bearing the Indian name Malasua. The object of the inscription was to commemorate the building of a lotus tank and its inauguration by the ceremony of libation with running water (udagajaladhobuvna) as well as to express the chief desire of the donor to have a son (putrestaparena). Tiravharna was of Indo-Parthian descent and he did not acknowledge the authority of the Saka king Moga, ruling in GandhÊra at that time (83 B. C.)
Die Buddhistischen Sogdischen Texte in der Berliner Turfansammlung und die Herkunft des Buddhistischen Sogdischen Wortes für Bodhisattva
Zum Gedenken an Prof. Kōgi Kudaras Arbeiten an den sogdischen Texten
In the present article some unpublished Buddhist Sogdian texts belonging to the German Turfan collection are studied. Apart from a small fragment from the Sogdian version of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā-mahā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra , I selected those texts which belong to categories unknown or not well represented among the Buddhist Sogdian texts published so far. Thus, specimens of the vinaya literature, Zen Buddhism and apocryphal texts are cited. One group of fragments contains Tocharian loanwords and is likely to have been translated from Tocharian, while another group is unique in that it is provided with a colophon in the Uighur language. Finally, various forms denoting “bodhisattva” are collected and in light of their distribution and number of occurrences among the texts I challenge the generally accepted view that they came into Sogdian via Parthian, and that the Uighur form bodisavt had its origin in Sogdian.
Revisiting the Geometry of the Transition Zone Using Filposh Squinches in Ardeshir Palace
A kupola és a kupoladob geometriájának vizsgálata az Ardesir palotában
the transition zone in the hall were modelled and discussed. ARDESHIR PALACE Ardeshir Papakan defeated the last Parthian king, Artabanus IV (216–224 AD) ( Gholikhani et al. 2020 ; Daryaee 2013 ; Pope 1965 ), and
Vocabularies from the middle of the 20th century from Afghanistan
Part two: Özbek and Moghol materials
-Türkischen . Wiesbaden (Turcologica 24). Boyce , M. ( 1977 ): A Word-list in Manichaen Middle Persian and Parthian . Leiden (Acta Iranica 9a
-Meisterernst et al . (eds.) Turfan Revisited – The First Century of Research into the Arts and Cultures of the Silk Road . Berlin : Dietrich Reimer Verlag , 221 – 227 . Morano , Enrico 2009 . ‘“If They Had Lived…”: A Sogdian-Parthian Fragment of Mani
nostro illius labatur pectore vultus So the swift deer will sooner feed on air, / and the seas leave the fish naked on shore, / or the Parthian drink the Arar, the German the Tigris, / both in
