In this paper the author publishes a new Roman grave-altar from Bikács
(County Tolna). The richly decorated altar was erected by a peregrine Eraviscus
and it can be dated to the first decades of the 2nd century. In eastern
Pannonia very few grave-altars are known and this is the first one which was
erected to a native father. He still had a Celtic cognomen but his son was
called Appius. The find-spot can be found in the southern edge of the civitas
Eraviscorum. This region is very poor in inscriptions.
Az MNM Adattárában számos olyan kôemlékre van utalás, rendszerint még a 19. századból, amelyek a nagy corpusokból (CIL, RIU) kimaradtak, máig közöletlenek, ráadásul azóta elvesztek. Jelen munkában a szerzôk négy új feliratot adnak közre Bölcskéről, Madocsáról, Visegrádról, illetve Veszprém megye területéről. Ezek közül a bölcskei a legjelentősebb, amely töredék a Commodus kori burgus és praesidium építésifeliratok sorozatának 17. darabja, ezek közül is a legdélebbi lelőhelyû. Minden valószínűség szerint a bölcskei későrómai hídfőállással hozható kapcsolatba.
The frescoes decorating the stateroom of the Episcopal palace of Szombathely were painted by Franz Anton Maulbertsch in 1783 on commission from bishop János Szily. The lateral walls received scenes from the history of the Roman predecessor of the town Savaria in the form of grisaille murals imitating bronze reliefs. The four paintings – Tiberius Claudius founds Savaria, Septimius Severus is elected emperor, Triumph of Constantinus Chlorus, and Attila chases the Romans out of Pannonia – conjure up the Roman world with a multitude of detail and with historical authenticity. Besides, they also deliberately apply the iconographic and compositional rules of relief sculpture in the Imperial Period. This historicizing rendering is an indicator of the new accent on historism, suggesting the 18th century transformation of the concept of history fed by the recognition of the historical distance between the event and the observer.
The ceiling shows the process of salvation under the governance of Providence. Some elements were borrowed by Maulbertsch from his earlier work in the former library of the Premonstratensian monastery in Louka, Moravia. The theme is the temporal process of the enlightenment of mankind, but the historical examples are replaced here by abstract notions, the time and space coordinates appearing highly generalized. In the middle the allegorical figure of Divine Providence arrives on clouds, with personifications of the Old and New Testaments beneath him suggesting periods in the history of salvation. As a counterpoint to Providence bringing the glimmer of dawn, the Allegory of the Night is depicted at the other end of the ceiling. The two sleeping figures are captives of the lulling power of the fauns symbolizing irrational existence governed by instincts. The pseudo-reliefs and sculptures painted in the corners represent heathenism, the ante legem period of the process of salvation. The medallions show typical episodes of bacchanals of putti, and the grisaille figures most likely repeat motifs of the bacchanal scene in the Louka fresco. The themes of the other three colour frescoes are Europe's apotheosis among the continents, Revelation of the True Religion, and the Apotheosis of Truth in the company of Religion, Humility and the Christian martyrs. It is actually a modernized psychomachy, presenting the victory of Christianity, faith and the virtues over paganism, the instincts and vices. The allegoric groups are witty renderings of conventional formulae.
The rich painted architecture of the ceiling is based on Paul Decker's pattern sheet complemented with neoclassical elements but preserving its irrational character. The illusory architecture, the rivaling lifelikeness of colourful and monochrome figures creates a play of degrees of reality that mobilize the imagination. Maulbertsch's pictorial world can be characterized with the concepts of delicieux and charmant used to describe Mozart's music; his tools of expression convey an ease and serenity that are not light-minded but with the tools of subtle irony and humour invite the viewer for more sophisticated reflections, contrary to the propagandistic allegories.
It is not surprising, given that the Ab urbe condita is an important source of information about Roman religious practices, to find frequent mentions of Juno’s shrines or cults in Livy’s work. Yet, we have to ask ourselves to what extent this religious data has been rewritten and recomposed according to the Roman historiographical tradition in order to provide the audience with a particular view of Roman history. A further study allows us to distinguish two kinds of Junones: Roman and Italian Junones who stood as a protective goddess of Rome, on the one hand, and on the other, Junones from the borders of the Roman world, who supported or questioned Rome’s identity and its Empire’s guiding principles in the historical narrative.
In the second half of the 16th century increasing interest in Greco-Roman drama lead to a revival of the fabula praetexta, i.d. plays staging Roman history. One of the finest examples is the “Lucretia, tragoedia nova” by the Silesian writer Samuel Iunius (*1567). In dramatizing the Livian story the poet follows Greek tragedies (e.g. Sophocles, Aias), but first of all imitates Vergil by assimilating Lucretia to Dido. Due to further parallels in structure and narrative technique Iunius' play even emerges as a kind of dramatic counterpart to the Aeneid. The choice of the subject as well as its treatment seem to suggest that the author lent his voice to political criticism and Anti-Habsburg opposition.
The god Janus is a programmatic figure in Ovid’s
, having in his complexity even more than two faces. Yet a passage of the dialogue (
. 1. 229–254) between the god and the poet has not received due attention. The main interest of this paper is to show how the tradition connecting the ship (represented on the coin) with Janus or Saturnus, respectively, is re-shaped by Ovid in order to clarify his position towards Vergil’s concurrent passage in
8: Janus is not an immigrant as Saturnus, but an indigenous god. In addition, the difference between Vergil’s and Ovid’s attitude to the teleology of Roman history will be elucidated.
Cassius Dio, a Roman senator with Greek origin, is well known for being a keen imitator of Thucydides. His imitative techniques were quite obvious already to Photius, although, Photius himself does not consider him too attached to his model and praises his style and diction, especially his rhetorical skills. In the first fragment of his Roman History Dio shows awareness that applying certain rhetorical devices to his text (and one may infer that he meant those characteristic of the Thucydidean diction) may provoke criticism, even a suspicion that the account he gives might not be true. It is indeed this feature of the Thucydidean style that had been criticised previously by Dionysius of Halicarnassus at the end of the first century BC, and therefore Dio seems to be defending his style against this kind of criticism.
Livy was born in Padua, among the Venetes, in a part of Italy which received Roman citizenship only in 49 BC and he was very proud of the origins of his little hometown — that could take pride in being, like Rome, a Trojan foundation. Indeed, before telling Aeneas’ arrival on the shore of Latium, he begins his Roman history telling the story of Antenor, the Trojan hero who founded Padova. Later, he insists on the victory of his fellow-citizens in 302 BC over the Spartan Cleonymos, one of the Greek generals who were appointed by the Tarentines to protect them from their enemies — a victory which appears to be a kind of anticipation of that of Rome against Pyrrhus. But Livy was well conscious that, in present times, the leading center in Italy and elsewhere was only Rome: the last time we hear of his native town in the extant books of his work is 174 BC, when the Romans had to restore order and peace in the Venetian town — an event which was considered so important in local memory that it was considered as the beginnig of a new era. The deep attachment of a provincial Roman like Livy to his little hometown did not prevent from feeling himself a member of the larger Roman comunity and resenting a strong attachment to Rome, head of the whole oikoumene and common patria of all Italians. He gives us a good example of the construction of a Roman Italy under Augustus.
Az ókori római művészettörténet egyik leggyakrabban vizsgált műalkotása az Ara Pacis Augustae. Az avatatlan szem egy kiválóan formált, részletes, domborművek sokaságát felvonultató, páratlan műalkotást lát, azonban a történettudomány és a különböző társtudományok ezen apró részletekből az Augustus-kor kiváló lenyomatát tudják nyújtani. Az Ara Pacis reliefj einek részletgazdagsága miatt mind a római politikatörténet, mind a vallás- és eszmetörténet kutatásának kiváló forrása. Jelen tanulmány elsődleges célja állást foglalni az ikonográﬁai sajátosságok és a szakirodalom segítségével abban a kérdésben, hogy ki a panel főalakja.
Ara Pacis Augustae is the most frequently studied work of art in the ancient Roman history of art. The uninitiated eye sees an exquisitely crafted, detailed, multitude of reliefs, a unique work of art, but history and diﬀerent collaborative sciences can render an excellent imprint of Augustus era from these tiny details. Owing to the Ara Pacis’ chiselled reliefs, it is an excellent source for political history, history of religion, and ideology. The aim of this study is to take sides in the question of who is the main ﬁgure of the panel by dint of the iconographic features and recent literature.
The Arcadian landscape was originally developed in Vergil to transcend an actual landscape and identify with an idealized setting temptingly abstract in order to serve as a metaphor for the redesigned pastoral genre as promoted in the Eclogues. Vergil’s Arcadia as described in Eclogue 4, for the first time in Latin literature, was a construction, a literary topos and a symbol of innovative poetics, but also of Roman history and contemporary politics interfused. Vergil’s Arcadia was an imaginary landscape. This utopia becomes — in full awareness of Vergil’s literary contemporaries and the poets following after them — an appropriate setting for the staging of imaginary literary dialogues between shepherds-poets, and the changing poetics is reflected on the changes of the archetypal landscape of the original Arcadia topography. These changes appear first in Tibullus (in selected passages from 1. 1, 1. 3, 1. 5, 1. 7, 1. 10, 2. 1, 2. 3 and 2. 5) and recur in new forms in Propertius, Horace and Ovid. The progress of transformation evidences Arcadia’s ability to observe the rules of different generic environments and anticipates the propagation of the particularly literary topos across the centuries, as a multi-leveled symbol of poetics, aesthetics and politics.