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Through a careful examination of the accounts of Daqin (大秦) — presumably the Roman Empire — and Fulin (拂菻) — Byzantinum —, we can depict a picture of how the Chinese imagined another ancient empire far away in the West. The Chinese annals not only give information on and the interpretation of the name of that mysterious country but also add details about its geography, administration, economy — including agriculture, domesticated animals and products -, trade and the envoys sent by Daqin (大秦) people. Such a description could be remarkable on its own but the accounts also emphasise the similarities between the two great empires that might have originated in their same cultural level.
The present volume is the written version of the papers presented at a conference held in Tübingen in 2021, which aimed to address the state of research and possible perspectives of the Western Roman Empire in the 5th century AD. The editors of the
This study attempts to determine the common features and differences between the Latin language of the inscriptions of Aquincum, Salona, Aquileia and the provincial countries of Pannonia Inferior, Dalmatia and Venetia et Histria, compared with each other and the rest of the Latin speaking provinces of the Roman empire, and we intend to demonstrate whether a regional dialect area over the Alps–Danube–Adria region of the Roman empire existed, a hypothesis suggested by József Herman. For our research, we use all relevant linguistic data from the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age. We will examine the relative distribution of diverse types of non-standard data found in the inscriptions, contrasting the linguistic phenomena of an earlier period with a later stage of Vulgar Latin. The focus of our analysis will be on the changes in the vowel system and the grammatical cases between the two chronological periods within each of the three examined cities. If we succeed in identifying similar tendencies in the Vulgar Latin of these three cities, the shared linguistic phenomena may suggest the existence of a regional variant of Latin in the Alps–Danube–Adria region.
worshipped in the Roman Empire, and how they show peculiarities of Vulgar Latin. Romans attached great importance to communication with the gods through rites. 1 Since the exact performance of the prescribed forms and ritual acts ( caeremonia ) was paramount
( Table 5.1 , Chart 1a). Of course, at that time, in addition to the fact that the province of Dacia did not yet exist, most of the Danubian provinces, due to their relatively recent integration into the Roman Empire, were at a rudimentary level of
The aim of this study is to examine and describe the official language use of the Roman Empire under Justinian I, focusing on the choice between Greek and Latin, the two traditional official languages of the empire. Comparing the practice under Justinian with that of the ages before resp. after Diocletian's accession (284), the conclusion can be drawn that Justinian reformed the official language use on purpose, following the practice of the principate.
About 620 the Emperor Heraclius succeeded in concluding a temporary peace with the Avars and concentrating his forces exclusively on the struggle with Persia. In 622, during the first great offensive, the tactical and military maturity of the Eastern Roman army was demonstrated for the first time. However, Heraclius still could not use the strategic initiative enough in this period. The complicated relations with the Khagantae forced the Emperor to return to Constantinople and begin negotiations for a new peace treaty. The planned meeting with the Khagan of the Avars almost ended in a personal catastrophe for the Emperor. Regardless of this incident, both sides had an interest in concluding peace. While the Romans needed to continue the war with Persia, the Avars had to devote attention to stabilizing the situation in the Khaganate after the outbreak of Samo’s revolt. The agreement reached at the turn of the years 623/624 lasted until the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626.
Über die Relation zwischen den Tugenden eines Priesters und eines Herrschers
Die Brieffragmente 89a und 89b von Julian dem Abtrünnigen
This study investigates on the basis of the Neo-Platonist Philosopher’s, Emperor Julian’s letter-fragment (89a & 89b, 363 AC) the relationship of virtues between a priest and a king or “imperator” of the Roman Empire. This letter can be considered as a manifestation of Julian’s political and religious reform, which is based on Neo-Platonic and Christian idea. This theory relates to traditional polytheistic religion, in which the principal virtues are piety, philanthropy and utility.
The Rhodian Panaetius, the path-breaker exponent of the middle period of Stoic philosophy, developed his theory to justify the legitimacy of the Roman Empire before the conquered people in the second half of the second century B.C. The essence of the conception is the following: the rule of a state over another is righteous, if their relationship also serves the interest of the subject country, and this is possible if the ruling state is superior, and makes the subjugated better, governs it more adequate as if it would rule itself. The historian Polybius, who wrote about Rome’s becoming the most powerful empire of the world, knew Panaetius, they were both friends of Scipio Aemilianus, and we even know that they often discussed political questions. Even so the theory of the Rhodian philosopher does not seem to be present in the fragmentary work of Polybius — at least not coherently propounded. The thorough inquiry shows nevertheless that all substantial elements of the theory can be found in Polybius’ work. Firstly he considers justice as an objective notion (nature instructs us on it), asserts the good to coincide with the expedient, and the real expediency to differ from the seeming one: accordingly he can judge the states from an absolute point of view like the Stoics. Secondly he holds the Romans superior to the other nations with regard to their polity, military abilities and all the virtues. Thirdly he esteems the Roman governance as expedient also for the subjects and therefore worth opting for and praising, because Rome makes the citizens of the subjugated countries more temperate, religious, ingenuous, and brings peace, order and rightfulness to their public life. As the most important elements of Panaetius’ theory occur, we can assess that Polybius saw the relationship of Rome and the subject countries according to the conception of Panaetius.
