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Das Haus des Manns aus Amastris

ZU einem Gebäudekomplex im byzantinischen Konstantinopel

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author:
Albrecht Berger

Chapter 12 of the 8th-century Parastaseis syntomoi chronikai claims that two brazen hands on spears and a bushel (modion) were set up on an arched doorway near a granary in Constantinople under the emperor Valentinian (364–375) after the hands of a treacherous grain merchant had been cut, in remembrance of this event. However, hands on spears are a well-known type of Roman military signs, while the bushel should be explained as an altar for burnt offerings. Both objects may well have been depicted together on a votive relief which decorated the arch in Constantinople, but this has nothing to do with the grain trade in the city. The relief can have been fixed on the arch only long after Valentinian’s time, for the building to which it belonged must be identified with a 5th-century palace complex known in later times as ta Amastrianou, the “house of the man from Amastris”, of which remains do still survive.

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Abstract

In September 1563 Archduke Maximilian, son of Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I was crowned King of Hungary at Pozsony (Bratislava). For the coronation ceremony two triumphal arches were built at the ends of the pontoon bridge over the Danube. (The arches are known from a woodcut of Donat Hübschmann.) The bill of costs of the architect Pietro Ferabosco is here published for the first time.

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The sanctuary of Apollon mentioned in the letter of Gadata is not to be sought in Magnesia on Meander but in the town of Tralleis/Tralles. Tralleis was located in the territory of the satrapy Caria whose capital was Magnesia in the age of Dareios. Therefore it is understandable that it was the satrap of Caria who must remedy the abuse which hurted the interests of the priest of Apollon. The inscription containing the letter of Gadata can be a later copy of a Greek original text because its language and orthography has some characterics of the prehellenistic age. This inscription could be seen by Xenophon who probably here has got the idee of naming Gadatas one of the eunuchs in his Oikonomika. Plutarch informs us that the memory of the Persian wars was living in Magnesia in the age of Hadrian, too. It seems that the Roman emperor has visited Tralleis personally.

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It has been argued that during the reign of Roman emperors the crime of lèse-majesté was punishable by death, and the arbitrariness of its prosecution has been considered one of the negative aspects of this era. However, the debate on the origin, date and content of the law, which should have formed the frame for all trials, the lex Iulia maiestatis, has not been sufficiently concluded. The paper will attempt to prove that it was the aquae et ignis interdictio, i.e. non-voluntary exile, not death, that remained the poena legis during the Principate; death could also be inflicted, but not as the legal penalty. The possibilities of the cognitio extra ordinem, which spread from the beginning of the Principate, and the role of the Senate will be duly considered.

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Abstract

The epochal study on the construction of the Pozsony (today: Bratislava) castle was published by Jenő Szűcs in 1958. He reconstructed the works and the organization of the work on the basis of the accounts book of the construction he had found and dated to 1434 with convincing arguments. The construction presumably began under the supervision of chief Pozsony administrators István and György Rozgonyi in the early 1420s. The “building office” was headed by the master builder Kunz Schwarz, a citizen of Pozsony, from 1423 to an unknown date. Later he was replaced by a certain Reichard (1429). During the period studied by Jenő Szűcs the complex chores were shared: the leader of the construction was János Berényi Kakas, while the chief master builder was Konrád of Erling. The present paper provides clues from so-far unknown sources as to the exact date (summer 1434) and manner of the construction of the fountain built in the newly constructed Pozsony castle. All the letters in the Appendix were written about the building of the fountain. Two of King and Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund's letters reveal that the construction was financed from the estate of the late Moravian knight Peter Kutej who died in Pozsony captivity. Sigismund's third letter contains particularly important information on the technical details of the construction. The fourth letter by the warden of the Tata castle of the Rozgonyi family inquires from his masters whether he would get the amount to be spent on the Tata castle from the resources set aside for the fountain.

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Born to a Croatian father in Constantinople and educated in Vienna, August Adelburg (1830–1873) was a true cosmopolitan. His explicitly “national opera” about Miklós Zrínyi (c1508–1566), a Hungarian national hero of Croatian origins, was premiered in Hungarian translation on 23 June 1868 in the National Theater in Pest. The libretto (originally in German, and adapted by the composer from a drama by Theodor Körner) includes a preface that adumbrates a wholesale theory of cosmopolitanized national opera, as it were. Elaborating his views as expressed in his 1859 essay against Liszt’s On the Gypsies and their music in Hungary, Adelburg insists that the hegemony of the three traditional musical styles—German, French, and Italian—is obsolete, since “the tones have a single expressive language, which is divided into as many dialects as there are musical nations in the world.” At the same time, he also considers the overly use of less “worn-out” national styles misguided, since letting each character sing in the same manner is like “putting a Parisian lady’s hat, instead of an antique helmet, on Minerva’s head, and dressing the Roman emperors in black tailcoat, rather than sagum.” Therefore, a truly up-to-date national opera must in fact be “cosmopolitan” (Adelburg himself uses the term) in its sensitive portrayal of each individual character. Following a brief analysis of some of the most prominent “national” numbers of the work, I conclude by suggesting that Adelburg’s ideas about “cosmopolitanizing the national” render his Zrínyi a kind of mediator between two outstanding Hungarian operas of the period: Mihály Mosonyi’s “all-Hungarian” Szép Ilon (1861), and Ferenc Erkel’s “cosmopolitan” Brankovics György (1874).

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Abstract

Recent publications on the goldsmiths of the early modern age employed in aristocratic courts provide the grounds for the reconsideration of some basic questions concerning an outstanding art work in the Esterházy col lection, first of all the circumstances of its commissioning and creation. It can be concluded that the “official” de finition of the gold cup with enamel decoration from the first decade of the 17th century prevalent for some twenty years now need revising. The more exact dating and the fact that the cup is adorned with the enamelled pictures of the coat of arms of Lower Austria allow for a far more palpable assumption about the client who gave the commission and the original owner. It is now presumed that the goldsmith's work was commissioned by archduke Matthias of Habsburg (1557–1619), Holy Roman Emperor from 1612, in 1608, the year of the beginning of his rule – after the resignation of his brother Rudolf II – over the hereditary Austrian provinces. As his personal present, the cup might have been given to its first designated owner Count Paul Sixtus Trautson (1550–1621), who was appointed lieutenant-governor (Statthalter) of Lower Austria at the same time.

The subsequent fate of the art treasure is still an unsettled issue: how long it was in Trautson's possession, when and how it changed hands, how it arrived in the Fraknó treasury of the Esterházy family where it can be traced back to the 1690s. The paper attempts answers to these questions. The “final” answer, however, is expected to appear in a study of the Festschrift to be published on an equally festive occasion in honour of Miklós Mojzer in November 2021.

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Abstract

The Vienna Hours, illuminated by the artist known as the “Master of Mary of Burgundy”, was originally commissioned by Margaret of York. The later parts of the manuscript commemorate the love and marriage between Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian of Habsburg, and their (newborn or expected) child.

The miniatures and texts in question convey the same idea expressed on several occasions by the official historian, Jean Molinet: in the Burgundian court, the duchess was venerated as the Virgin Mary (and in consequence of this, Maximilian – and Philip – came to be revered as the Saviour, and Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, as the Father). Underlying the tendency to identify Mary of Burgundy with the Virgin Mary was the situation of Burgundy and its heiress, which was understood by means of salvation-historical analogies. In the book of hours, the figures of the two Marys are conflated several times in a variety of ways (fols. 14v, 19v, 43v, 94v, 99v). The hymn in praise of the heavenly joys of the Virgin Mary, which is organically related to the frontispiece image, is thus (also) a chanted sequence for the eternal beatitude of the young bride. The painter conjured up the imaginary figure of Maximilian in the foreground of the two miniatures with window scenes, while the jewels in the border around the image of the Crucifixion scene allude to Margaret of York. These miniatures have a playful tone (as evidenced by the role-swapping between the Marys, the book-within-a-book, picture-within-a-picture, vision-within-a-vision, trompe l’oeil solutions, and the complex dialogue between objects, materials and locations).

There are a number of factors supporting the argument that the miniatures, hitherto attributed to the Master of Mary of Burgundy, were illuminated by Hugo van der Goes, who was a resident of the Red Cloister at the time, and that he was commissioned by the Austrian Archduke. The date of 1478 is rendered likely by stylistic and biographical factors (the paintings Hugo made in the cloister, both before and after, his later illness, the visit of Maximilian, the birth of Philip the Handsome). It was also at this time that Jean Molinet wrote Le Chappellet des dames, which makes multiple comparisons between the duchess and the Virgin Mary, and whose imagery is often echoed in the folios of the Vienna Hours. It is possible that the first (co-)owner of the manuscript was Maximilian of Habsburg.

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Alaricustól Szent Henrik császárig. Giovanni Bonazza és műhelye szétszóródott domborműsorozata Jankovich Miklós gyűjteményéből

From Alaric to Emperor Saint Henry. The scattered relief series of Giovanni Bonazza and his workshop from the collection of Miklós Jankovich

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Vargyas Zsófia

The Sculpture Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest has been enriched in recent years with twenty-one marble portrait reliefs carved by Giovanni Bonazza (1654–1736) and his workshop. Fifteen reliefs were transferred within the institution and six were purchased from a private collection, but the identical creator and size, the uniform plaster framing and the themes of seventeen pieces – portraits of Italian rulers in the period of great migrations and the early Middle Ages – made it perfectly clear that they are pieces of a relief series scattered at an unknown date. The four “character heads” without caption, which deviate in theme from the series, are typical items of Venetian baroque sculpture.

The search for the provenance of the reliefs led the author to the collector and art patron Miklós Jankovich (1773–1846), who possessed sixty-two marble reliefs (or sixty-four in later sources) which represented – to quote the collection inventories ‘Hunnish, Goth, Longobard kings and their successors who reigned in Italy after the Roman emperors’ from Alaric to emperor Saint Henry. Jankovich probably bought the series from the heirs of István Marczibányi after his death in 1810. In 1836 it passed into the National Museum as part of the first Jankovich collection. The inventorying of the paintings and sculptures in the Jankovich collection was interrupted by the great flood of Pest in spring 1838, and that must be the cause why the relief series was not included in the stock of the museum and its provenance got gradually forgotten. In 1924 the reliefs kept in the repository of the Collection of Antiquities as “insignificant items for the museum” not belonging to its collecting profile began to be sorted out. Thirty items were auctioned off in the Ernst Museum, twenty pieces were exchanged with László Mautner, an antiquities dealer in Budapest for an array of archaeological and historical objects. In the National Museum eleven portraits of kings and four character heads remained, delivered as “remnant” of the Historical Collection to the Museum of Fine Arts in 1943, from where they were transferred to the Hungarian National Gallery in 1957. The relief series from Giovanni Bonazza’s workshop once in the Jankovich collection must have been the only complete series of kings (though only known from second-hand information) which was carved after the book of engravings by the historian Emanuele Tesauro of Turin, Del regno d’Italia sotto I barbari, published in Turin in 1664. Its dispersion is an irretrievable loss.

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Joachim von Watt (Ioachimus Vadianus) kommentárja, amely az első tudományos igényű Mela-kommentárnak tekinthető, elsőként 1518-ban jelent meg. Előzményének Ermolao Barbaro velencei humanista Castigationes Plinianae et in Pomponium Melam című filológiai kommentárját tekinthetjük. A lemmák vizsgálata során az ókori és a kora újkori uralkodóportrék két csoportját különíthetjük el, a jó és a rossz királyokét, illetve császárokét. A kommentárnak ez az olvasata az antik mű új tartalommal való felruházására irányuló törekvést példázza, amelynek során a lemmaíró Vadianus a korabeli olvasó számára hasznos ismereteket kíván közvetíteni. Ez az olvasat Vadianus későbbi munkájában, a Sankt Gallenben írt Epitome trium terrae partiumban már nem jelenik meg, ami bizonyítja a kommentár uralkodóképében rejlő propagandisztikus célokat. A rossz és jó uralkodók legkiemelkedőbb példái Nagy Sándor és I. (Jagelló) Zsigmond, a többi uralkodó e két pólus között helyezkedik el. Az ókor rossz uralkodóinak bemutatásakor Vadianus az ókori toposzokat követi: olvashatunk Neróról és Caliguláról, de a lemmákban rossz uralkodóként szerepel a késő római Pertinax császár is. A helvét humanista utóbbit erkölcsi szempontból ítéli el, bár a Historia Augusta leírásában nem szerepelnek az általa leírt morális aspektusok. Az antikvitás jó uralkodói, Antoninus Pius és Marcus Aurelius is erkölcsi szempontból kiemelkedőek Vadianus számára, azonban a modern uralkodók tekintetében a morális jó tulajdonságok mellett a hadi jártasság is a jó uralkodó ismérve. Véleménye szerint a jó uralkodó képes a kettőt összeegyeztetni egymással, és emellett emberi vonásait is megőrizni, ahogy I. Miksa és I. Zsigmond is.

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