The consequences of Crassus’ invasion of Mesopotamia in 54–53 BCE were unanticipated and unintended; however, his disastrous failure shocked the Roman world and suddenly established the Parthians as a serious rival to Rome. Moreover, the shame the Romans felt after the Battle of Carrhae was considerable. The battle scarred the Roman psyche and severely damaged the Roman ego. This study synthesizes and investigates what became a vicious and virulent Roman literary tradition of anti-Crassus propaganda, examining how numerous Roman writers over the course of numerous centuries used the dead and disgraced Crassus as a convenient scapegoat to help explain Rome’s failure to dominate the East and subdue the Parthian rival. It demonstrates that these writers ignored the legitimate causes for the First Romano-Parthian War (56 BCE – 1 CE), which Crassus had inherited, and illustrates that the disaster at Carrhae became a popular moralizing lesson about the consequences of greed, impiety, and hubris.
In order to understand any process of cultural appropriation, one needs to examine the relationship of concepts such as Lefevere's “image”, Snell-Hornby's “norm”, Bourdieu's “habitus” as well as “tertium comparationis”. Broader application of discussions within Translation Studies proves essential for understanding a key aspect of Cultural Studies. Case in point here is the appropriation of classical Rome in post-1945 German-language literature. The Rome that appears in contemporary fiction is neither the city proper nor the historical empire per se, but rather Rome as an invention. It is a cultural concept construed historically without itself being necessarily historical. It enables the process of cultural appropriation by providing basic characteristics accepted by the appropriating culture, and whose presence ensures the impression of fidelity to the appropriated culture. The invariant here is artificial. Although the image operates on something close to an unconscious level (black box), it is nonetheless discernable because it manifests itself in the context, choice of themes, and metaphors prevalent in a text. Rome's image involves its historical demise. While the Greek tradition is almost exclusively tapped for its mythology, allusions to the Roman heritage tend to focus on its historical figures and circumstances.
The influence of Byron on Liszt was enormous, as is generally acknowledged. In particular the First Book of the Années de pèlerinage shows the poet’s influence in its choice of Byron epigraphs in English for four of the set of nine pieces. In his years of travel as a virtuoso pianist Liszt often referred to “mon byronisme.” The work by Byron that most affected Liszt is the long narrative poem Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage which was translated into many languages, including French. The word “pèlerinage” that replaced “voyageur” is a Byronic identity in Liszt’s thinking. The Byronic hero as Liszt saw him and imitated him in for example Mazeppa and Tasso is a figure who represented a positive force, suffering and perhaps a revolutionary, but definitely not a public enemy. Liszt’s life, viewed as a musical pilgrimage, led of course to Rome. Is it possible that Byron even influenced him in this direction? In this paper I try to give a portrait of the real Byron that hides behind the poseur of his literary works, and suggest that what drew Liszt to the English poet was precisely the man whom he sensed behind the artistic mask. Byron was not musical, but he was religious — as emerges from his life and his letters, a life which caused scandal to his English contemporaries. But today we can see that part of the youthful genius of the rebel Byron was his boldness in the face of hypocrisy and compromise — his heroism was simply to be true. In this we can see a parallel with the Liszt who left the piano and composed Christus. What look like incompatibilities are simply the connection between action and contemplation — between the journey and the goal. Byron, in fact, can help us follow the ligne intérieure which Liszt talked about in the 1830s.
foreign origins, what justifies their definition as ‘foreign’ is their conventional representation in the ancient literary sources as alien to the Roman mores . Cf. B eard , M.: The Cult of the ‘Great Mother’ in Imperial Rome. The Roman and the ‘foreign
If Augustus claims to be, as it is well-known, a new Romulus, he has also tried to set up his action and public image with regards to current collective representations related to other kings of Rome. Thus, his major religious policy helps him to become a new Numa, while particular attention he paid to priesthood, temple, and fecial rites get him as much closer to Tullus Hostilius than Ancus Marcius. As far as the second part of the royal period is concerned, it is much raised in his historical memory policy: his interest in Sibylline Books, but also in major projects carried out in Rome during his reign have contributed to see him as a new Tarquin, while censuses and both administrative and religious reorganisations of the Rome’s urban space the Princeps conducted remind us of a new Servius Tullius. Augustus systematically using the royal memory of Rome allowed him to hide the monarchical tropism of Hellenistic type of his regime under the guise of a return to oldest national traditions.
.R. Birley : Hadrian. The Restless Emperor . New York 1997 .
Boatwright 2010 = M.T. Boatwright : Antonine Rome. Security in the homeland . In: The Emperor and Rome. Space, representation and ritual . Eds: B.C. Ewald , C. F. Noreña . Cambridge
Authors:E. De Sena, S. Landsberger, J. Peña and S. Wisseman
A program of compositional analysis using neutron activation has been performed on samples of Roman fineware from the Palatine East excavations in Rome at the University of Illinois' TRIGA reactor. These experiments are ultimately intended to assist the authors in advancing the understanding of the organization of pottery production and distribution in central Italy during the late Roman imperial period (4th–5th c. AD). The objectives of this paper are 1) to present an archaeological background of two regionally-produced finewares, 2) to discuss the methods of sampling, irradiation and data analyses, and 3) to demonstrate the preliminary results of our investigation, which included the analyses of Plio-Pleistocene clays from the Janiculum Hill in Rome.
This article briefly surveys literary sources on the Rutulians and Turnus and finds them to have been neither particularly informative nor plentiful. In fashioning his portrait of Turnus and his people, Vergil exploited that dearth of information by countering it and adding details not found in the earlier traditions. His inventive portrait of the heritage of Turnus, which emphasizes ethnic diversity, creates several parallels between Turnus and Aeneas, and helps make him both a direct counterpart and formidable opponent to the Trojan hero. By making the two warriors more similar than different via their mixed Italian and Greek ancestry, Vergil homogenizes them to the ethnically complex population of Rome during the age of Augustus.