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The name and the verses of Phaedrus were unknown in the Middle Ages but his fables were widespread in several prosified versions. One of these is the collection of Romulus, which is of great importance because it has preserved some lost Phaedrian fables and various other collections have derived from it. This paper examines the textual tradition of these and of Phaedrus’ fables. I attempt to present some problems about the tradition and offer a solution to these questions.

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It is widely agreed that Augustus dealt with the festival Lupercalia. However, the evidence about his intervention is scanty and discussable; in addition, both the reconstruction of the celebration and an outline of its historical development are almost impossible tasks. Nevertheless, ancient authors agree on placing the origins of the Lupercalia in the furthest antiquity, at the beginning of the town or at the beginning of mankind. Coherently, the descriptions which they provide suggest that the festival aimed at a temporary and ritually controlled regress to the primeval savagery. Therefore, the involvement of Augustus in the (re-)organization of the Lupercalia results to be consistent with his programmatic connection to Romulus, the founder. In fact, the representations of the pre-civic world at the festival and in the Augustan poetry (especially by Virgil) are consonant. It is worth noting that Lupercalia were celebrated for centuries after Augustus. It is possible to infer that the regress into the wild primeval world was essential to Roman identity, just like the stories about the founder. Since a festival Louperkalion was held in Constantinople, it can be supposed that Lupercalia were one of the identitary symbols that the second Rome chose as heritage from the first one.

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This paper examines the importance of the lituus on Augustan provincial coinage. On local coins of some thirty cities in Africa and Asia, Augustus’ obverse portraits are accompanied by a lituus, the symbol of the augurs. One of Augustus’ most important priestly offices was that of an augur. Romulus’ most famous achievement as an augur was the foundation of Rome. When Augustus became an augur in 43 BC, it was particularly Romulus’ role as a founder that Augustus emulated the most. Augustus considered himself to be the second founder of Rome, and also founded, re-founded, and reorganized numerous cities in the Roman provinces. I argue, then, that given the far-reaching evidence of the lituus on Augustan provincial coinage, the prominence of Augustus’ position as an augur is not only evident through his provincial (re)foundations, but also through his visual imagery.

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The concise history of Rome, covering the 700 years from Romulus until Augustus and composed by an author with the cognomen Florus, is ranked since the Renaissance among the most often printed and most widely read ancient Latin prose works. But whereas this small work was until now commonly supposed to have been written by a “L. Annaeus” oder “P. Annius” Florus during the age of the emperor Trajan (or even later), the present article — based on four essays I have published already more than 20 years ago — demonstrates that almost the entire work was originally composed by a contemporary of Augustus, most likely by the same Iulius Florus to whom Horace addressed two famous letters (I 3 and II 2). We must, indeed, distinguish between two different versions of this work, namely on the one hand the genuine text edited by Iulius Florus, whose name appears as the author in the very important Codex Bambergensis (9th century), immediately after the consecration of the deceased Augustus (17 Sept. 14), and on the other hand a second edition prepared by an anonymous redactor in the era of Trajan (98–117), which was considered a revival of the Golden Age of Augustus; in addition, some further editions appeared later in the second century. All these new editions of Iulius Florus’s work contain just two crucial differences from his original text, namely two short interpolations in Iulius Florus’s preface: the short colon ut postea velut consenuerit, inserted into § 4, and the last sentence (§ 8), added to the original preface. Both interpolations, however, stand in marked contrast to the entire context of Florus’s composition. The main purpose of my article is, therefore, a reconstruction of the original form of Iulius Florus’s historical work, which contained not four or two books (as it is now generally assumed), but only one book, presented as a brevis tabella or breviarium of Roman history.

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. Roma generadora de identidades. La experiencia hispana 2010 Dardenay 2012 = A. Dardenay : Images des fondateurs. D’Enée à Romulus. Coll. scripta Antiqua 43. Bordeaux 2012. Dardenay

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Acta Chromatographica
Authors: Andreea Silvia Neamţu, Andrei Biţă, Ion Romulus Scorei, Gabriela Rău, Ludovic Everard Bejenaru, Cornelia Bejenaru, Otilia-Constantina Rogoveanu, Carmen Nicoleta Oancea, Antonia Radu, Cătălina Gabriela Pisoschi, Johny Neamţu and George Dan Mogoşanu

The identification and quantitation of nicotinamide riboside (NAR) and its main related compound (nicotinamide) were achieved using high-performance thin-layer chromatography (HPTLC)–ultraviolet (UV) densitometry with confirmation by online electrospray ionization (ESI)–mass spectrometry (MS). As the stationary phase, HPTLC Si 60 F254 glass plates were employed; the mobile phase was ethanol–1 M ammonium acetate–formic acid (7:1:0.1, v/v/v). No derivatization was applied, and UV densitometry was performed in the absorbance mode (270 nm). The method was validated by specificity, linearity, accuracy, precision, and robustness.

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The guiding idea of my article is to see the mythical and political ideology conveyed by the western side of the Ara Pacis Augustae in a (hopefully) new light. The Augustan ideology of power is in the modest opinion of the author intimately intertwined with the myths and legends concerning the Primordia Romae. Augustus strove very hard to be seen by his contemporaries as the Novus Romulus and as the providential leader (fatalis dux, an expression loved by Augustan poetry) under the protection of the traditional Roman gods and especially of Apollo, the Greek god who has been early on adopted (and adapted) by Roman mythology and religion.

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According to the official propaganda Aeneas was one of the most important figures in the mythical-historical past of Rome. However, we hardly meet his figure in the Fasti : he is usually presented as rescuing the gods of Troy, the Penates. As opposed to Aeneas, the Arcadian Euander is presented with the function of even replacing him in many respects. Euander, as Aeneas, appears in few stories, nevertheless, his figure is characterised with such sympathy and the foundation of such significant cults is attributed to him that he becomes superior to Aeneas in the text. Numa Pompilius emerges as an alternative to Romulus in the Fasti . Augustus intended to represent the values symbolised by both Romulus and Numa, however, in the Fasti , his figure is rather connected with the poet and with the ideal ruler of his imagination than with the princeps personally. It is striking that although Augustus tried to present also Numa as his forerunner, we cannot find this idea in the Fasti .

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This article focuses on the possible connections which can be established between the Roman goddess Juno as the protector deity of marriages and married women and the rites and rituals associated with the sacred feast of the Lupercalia. The role of other Italic gods associated with these sacred ceremonies is also analyzed, such as the rustic god Faunus, as well as Jupiter, Mars, and Romulus-Quirinus (albeit in secondary roles; for example, the name Luperci given to the young Roman men involved in the ritual flogging of the Roman women of fertile age is linked with lupus, the Latin name of the wolf, animal sacred to the god Mars and forever bound to the Twins Romulus and Remus, the mythical and heroic founders of Rome). The amiculum Iunonis or the garment of Juno is in fact the name given to the ritual objects used by the Luperci in the act of symbolic fecundation of the Roman young women, namely the leather thongs carved out of the skin of a sacrificed goat. The he-goat (Latin hircus) is also connected with the ancient Roman and Latin god Faunus (the Italic divine counterpart of the ancient Greek Πᾶν). As a final acknowledgment, I hereby thank Professor Attilio Mastrocinque who had the idea of this study and whose book revealed to me the hidden links between Juno, Bona Dea, and the feast of the Lupercalia, normally associated with the god of wild nature, Faunus-Pan. I owe also a debt of gratitude to the patience and unremitting help of Professor Patricia Johnston, whose observations greatly improved my conclusions.

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If Augustus claims to be, as it is well-known, a new Romulus, he has also tried to set up his action and public image with regards to current collective representations related to other kings of Rome. Thus, his major religious policy helps him to become a new Numa, while particular attention he paid to priesthood, temple, and fecial rites get him as much closer to Tullus Hostilius than Ancus Marcius. As far as the second part of the royal period is concerned, it is much raised in his historical memory policy: his interest in Sibylline Books, but also in major projects carried out in Rome during his reign have contributed to see him as a new Tarquin, while censuses and both administrative and religious reorganisations of the Rome’s urban space the Princeps conducted remind us of a new Servius Tullius. Augustus systematically using the royal memory of Rome allowed him to hide the monarchical tropism of Hellenistic type of his regime under the guise of a return to oldest national traditions.

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