I. Kleomenés, spártai király, az ókor egyik kevéssé ismert, ám annál jelentősebb személyisége. A történetírói hagyomány torzításai miatt nehezen ismerhető fel valódi szerepe, ám minden jel arra utal, hogy nélküle sem Spárta politikája, sem a Kr. e. 6/5. század fordulójának görög világa nem értelmezhető igazán. Ezen dolgozat a Kleomenésre vonatkozó ókori adatok vizsgálatával igyekszik fényt deríteni a ,,negatív hagyomány'' lehetséges okaira, és így árnyaltabb képet adni a kor viszonyairól.
This inscription recording an unequal alliance between the Spartans and the Erxadieis has been given dates ranging over almost the whole of the Peloponnesian League’s existence: recent arguments for a late date on the grounds of the formulations used are not cogent; the “exiles” mentioned are probably the Messenians settled at Naupactus between c. 455 and c. 400, and the lettering favours either c. 450 or c. 426.
In his individual way of reporting speeches (cf. 1. 22. 1) Thucydides presents a speech delivered by Pericles in the Athenian Assembly before the beginnings of the Peloponnesian War (1. 140–144). Holding the persistent view that the Peloponnesians have to be opposed Pericles makes every effort to persuade the Athenians of the necessity of war. His suggestions which were accepted by the demos are among the causes of the Peloponnesian War.
When seen or presumed in the actions of gods rather than of men,
(‘spite’) has traditionally been regarded as a disturbingly “primitive” form of behaviour, punishing those who have done nothing to deserve punishment (but are simply too successful or prosperous for the deity’s liking), and chiefly manifesting itself in such authors as Herodotus and such genres as Attic tragedy. After the fifth century BC, orthodoxy holds, this gives way to a more enlightened world-view; now spite is confined to humans, and the gods treat humankind more justly. But K. J. Dover once voiced his suspicion that belief in divine
lingered on, and here I try to show that he was right. In the fourth century, divine
itself is still spoken of (by such disparate authors as Aristophanes and Xenophon); and in later writers, from Polybius to Pausanias, the idea of
(‘chance’) takes on both the vocabulary and. more important, the substantive role of supernatural
The land-law of Solon can be divided into two parts: on the one hand it
is a seisachtheia (the shaking off of burdens), which is the extracting
of border-stones in the “serving land” (and has nothing to do with
indebtedness), and on theother hand it is
therepurchase of citizens who had been unlawfully sold abroad. The
legal status of the social class called hektemoroi was similar to that
of the helots in Sparta and the penestai in Thessaly. The hektemoroi
were liberated by the reform of Solon, thus they become thetes, i.e.
lawful citizens. This measure was taken much rather in favour of the big
landowners than of the hektemoroi. The latter could not get their former
lands, since the lands were usually taken by aristocrats to grow exportable
olive and grapevine. (It wasonly the export
of cornthat was forbidden by Solon.) Raising the thetes to the rank of
citizens became the most important element of the Athenian development. (At
this point the economicmodels of Athens,
Sparta, Thessaly and Crete diverge.) The social class of the thetes
gave Athens not only a supply for agricultural labour but also the masses of
craftsmen and shipmen, who served the city even as oarsmen while it was
becoming a great power…
.): Semiotics around the World: Synthesis in Diversity. Berlin/New York 1997. 445–448.
„Wanderer, kommst du nach Sparta, verkündige dorten, du habest uns hier liegen gesehen, wie das Gesetz es befahl.“