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In Chapter 24 of Tacitus’ Agricola the historian claims — as it is frequently mentioned in the various editions of this work — that he heard his father-in-law discuss the easy invasion of Ireland (Hibernia) many times. In this paper the author attempts to demonstrate that the Zweibrücken-edition of the Agricola offers a more plausible text-variation.

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Although it is primarily through Tacitus’ narration of the event that we are able to reconstruct the Pisonian conspiracy, the particular details of the plot can be partially completed from other sources of information. In that regard, relatively little time has been devoted to Plutarch’s account — found in his essay De garrulitate — of the discovery of the Pisonian plot. The account to some extent poses a problem, as it does not explicitly specify which conspiracy it refers to. In addition, the account is in the form of a moral essay; most importantly, it proffers a version of the events of AD 65 (when the plot was disclosed) that is totally different from that of Tacitus. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is at least partially to incorporate Plutarch’s report into the whole, rather foggy portrayal of the Pisonian conspiracy, and simultaneously to point to the fact that Plutarch’s report may not be an alternative to Tacitus’ one, but rather a complement of it. The author strives to evaluate the various literary and historical elements of the report, as well as its possible sources, and following the knowledge obtained, to assess its informative value within the broader context of the entire conspiracy.

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Tacitus evokes the gods several times in the Histories and the Annals. Nevertheless, it is difficult to have a firm opinion on the historian's religiosity and many assumptions were proposed on this subject. As a matter of fact, he always tries to establish a distinction between uera and falsa prodigia and remains careful as for the interpretation which one can give them, but he doesn't show any real scepticism. His reflection on the Fatum lets think that he reconciles astrological fatalism with the stoic design of the destiny. The tacitean Fatum reveals a cosmological order born of the tension between determinism and human freedom, fate and chance. In Tacitus'opinion, ira deorum shows the role of the gods: they punish those whocan put at evil the order of the Roman community, they mark the limits not to be crossed, because to commit a crime can constitute a stain which is likely to stick to the respublica and to break the agreement between Rome and the celestial forces.

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It appears that there is little to add to the research of the textual connections between the first chapters of the Annales and the Res Gestae Divi Augusti . Philologists and classical historians have maintained for a long time that Tacitus used the autobiography of Augustus. On the other hand, the untrue claims of the Res Gestae are obvious, its historical unreliability is supported by its historiographical reception as well. If the Annales uses and cites this work as a source, that can be said at least astonishing. This paper looks for the parallels at the level of structure . Thus we can read the Tacitean text as a rhetorically formal speech, answering the autobiography of Augustus.

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A római irodalom a IV/III. század fordulójától fogva értelmezhetetlen az exemplaria Grae-cafigyelembevétele nélkül. A lysipposi Nagy Sándor-ábrázolás tömeges korai utánzatai Campa-niában azt jelzik, hogy a makedón világhódító meteorszerűjelensége szinte egyidejűleg Itáliában is foglalkoztatta az embereket. Ezt a folyamatot mutattuk be a Fabius Pictor, Ennius, Coelius Anti-pater, Sisenna, Sallustius, Livius és Tacitus írásaiból vett, illetve feltárt példákkal.

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„Mozdulatlan (érinthetetlen) béke?” Ambivalens szókapcsolat, ha a béke-eszmény császárkori megítélésére gondolunk. Vajon az Aeneis minden olvasója számára teljességgel magától értetődött-e, hogy Aeneas késôi unokái ne habozzanak virtusuk „tettekben megnyilvánuló kiteljesítésével”? (Aen. VI 808.) Az a bizonyos cupido proferendi imperii — minden áron! — aligha tekinthetô „meggyôzô politikai vezérelvnek” (E. Koestermann). És ha nincs is mód a virtus gyakorlására, és bele kell törôdni a béke „érinthetetlenségébe”? A pax Romana-t nemcsak Seneca „diszkreditálta”; mások sem ítélték vitathatatlannak. A tárgyalt szöveghelyek Tacitus gondolatvilágának megközelítésében is segítenek.

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„Ann. I 61—65 is borrowed from Hist. II 70 and V 14—15.” A. J. Woodman eme megállapítását F. R. D. Goodyear is akceptálta, mindenesetre bizonyos „troublesome implications”-re való utalással. Mi — már korábban — Tacitusnak máshol is megfigyelhetô eljárására hívtuk fel a figyelmet: a történetíró akárhányszor szuverén módon „merített” forrásaiból, nem önállóság híján, nem is „manipulatív” célzattal, hanem magasztos eszményeinek szolgálatában (σεμνϖς). Modern párhuzamként idéztük a Vergilius-fordító Lakatos István hasonló eljárását: visszaemlékezésében úgy járt el, hogy korjellemzô „kitalálásai” is összhangban legyenek a történelmi tényekkel.

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The author continues his investigations of elements of Hellenistic Greek historiography (especially of the Alexander-history) to be found in Roman poetry and historiography which elements passed unnoticed till now.

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