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Jelen tanulmány egy oktatástörténeti folyamatot vázol fel, amennyiben a kezdetektől (vagyis a legkorábbi föllelhető dokumentumoktól) 1945-ig vizsgálja Tibullus és Propertius előfordulását a magyarországi tankönyvekben. A dolgozat kitér az európai előzményekre és a magyar oktatáspolitika vonatkozó előírásaira is, mindenekelőtt azonban tartalmi és statisztikai összefoglalást nyújt arról, hogyan jelent meg a két szerző életműve a nyelvkönyvekben, antológiákban, irodalomtörténeti könyvekben és minden egyéb típusú tankönyvben: mely műveiket ismerték és olvasták, illetve hogyan értékelték irodalomtörténeti jelentőségüket.
In his poetic collection, Tibullus often refers to the ancient household gods Lares. In this paper we will show that the prominent position Tibullus reserves for the Lares in his elegies proves that the poet agrees with Augustus’ programme of political and moral renovatio. Also we will point out how traditional worship in Augustan Rome is revived in order to serve both the religious and the political objectives of the Princeps.
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Library, Codex latinus medii aevi 137 is a parchment codex from the 15th century that contains the poems of Catullus and Tibullus. It has a twin in Cologny, Bibliotheca Bodmeriana, MS. Bodmer 141, which contains the poems of Propertius; the two manuscripts were copied together and once constituted a two-volume ‘edition’ of the three poets. The subscription of the volume in Cologny shows that both were copied in 1466 in Florence by Ioannes Petrus de Spoleto. They were soon acquired by Antonello Petrucci (?-1487), secretary to King Ferdinand of Naples, and after Petrucci’s execution they entered the royal library. It is not clear what happened to the second volume when the library was scattered around AD 1500, but the first volume appears to have remained in Italy: in the early 16th century it was owned by one Iuuarius Indicus or Indico or Íñigo de Guevara, who presented it to his tutor Placidius Jacobus Antonius Ubertus in 1529, as is shown by an owner’s note and an epigram by Jacobus Antonius on the front flyleaf of the codex. Then we lose track of the first volume as well.The origins of the text of Propertius in the second volume have already been studied by Butrica, who noted that the codex was a sibling of the Codex Memmianus (Parisinus lat. 8233) and of Urbinas lat. 641. The stemma of Tibullus is not known well enough for us to be able to locate the first volume within it. However, it can be demonstrated that the text of Catullus in this volume descends indirectly from Siena H.V.41, and ultimately from R (Vatican, Ottobonianus lat. 1829); and that for Catullus too the volume is a sibling of the Memmianus and of Urbinas lat. 641.
At the beginning of the 19th century, there was an intensive productive reception of the Corpus Tibullianum in Russian poetry, particularly of Tibullus’ elegy I 1. By analyzing the titles, the notes, and selected aspects of the main text of the six Russian translations of the elegy, Oraić Tolić’s Romantic notion of the paradigm shift from “illustrative” to “illuminative” quotation can be seen. However, this change does not take place in a linear fashion: Although the change in the titles and notes occurs in a consequential manner, the main texts meander between the stated poles.
The Arcadian landscape was originally developed in Vergil to transcend an actual landscape and identify with an idealized setting temptingly abstract in order to serve as a metaphor for the redesigned pastoral genre as promoted in the Eclogues. Vergil’s Arcadia as described in Eclogue 4, for the first time in Latin literature, was a construction, a literary topos and a symbol of innovative poetics, but also of Roman history and contemporary politics interfused. Vergil’s Arcadia was an imaginary landscape. This utopia becomes — in full awareness of Vergil’s literary contemporaries and the poets following after them — an appropriate setting for the staging of imaginary literary dialogues between shepherds-poets, and the changing poetics is reflected on the changes of the archetypal landscape of the original Arcadia topography. These changes appear first in Tibullus (in selected passages from 1. 1, 1. 3, 1. 5, 1. 7, 1. 10, 2. 1, 2. 3 and 2. 5) and recur in new forms in Propertius, Horace and Ovid. The progress of transformation evidences Arcadia’s ability to observe the rules of different generic environments and anticipates the propagation of the particularly literary topos across the centuries, as a multi-leveled symbol of poetics, aesthetics and politics.
, Tibullus, Propertius. Adagonkint.” 8 Ebben a félévben Babits Ponori-Thewrewk Emil óráin ( A római irodalom története; Római grammatikusok; Interpretáló gyakorlatok ) foglalkozhatott római szerzőkkel az
árnyalni, hogy Ovidius a száműzetési költeményekben tudatosan támaszkodik a római elégikus előzményekre. Néhány jellegzetes példát, közös pontot emel ki a Tristia és Tibullus, Propertius és Ovidius szerelmi elégiái között, amelyeken keresztül megmutatja a
are two exceptions. In Tibullus' Elegy 2. 1, Cupid heavily oppresses miserable people by means of his bow (Tibull. 2. 1. 67–80). In contrast, people visited by flying Amor are thought to be happy: A miseri, quos hic graviter deus <Cupido : KP> urget
. 54) 285. Tibullus seems to make a comparable association between Missala, Alexander and Dionysos in his 1. 7. He recalls the same path that Alexander followed in the first part of his conquest of the Persian Empire. In the same context, both Alexander
Két újabb kőládasír Szentendre késő római temetőjéből
Two new stone casket graves from the late Roman cemetery of Ulcisia (Szentendre, Hungary)
sírhoz étellel-itallal tartó ünneplőkről, akik maguk is fogyasztanak a felajánlásból és nemegyszer lerészegednek. 196 Plautus és Tibullus is megjegyzi, hogy az összejövetelek után étel marad a sírokon. 197 Fennmaradt olyan végrendelkezés, amely
